Affrontare le sfide globali richiede uno sforzo collettivo e concertato, coinvolgendo tutti gli attori. Attraverso partnership e alleanze, e mettendo in comune i vantaggi comparativi, aumentiamo il nostro successo è probabile. - Ban Ki-moon, Segretario generale dell'ONU Cosa facciamo tutta la sua storia, il sistema delle Nazioni Unite ha lavorato con il settore privato e la società civile. Nel 2005, gli Stati Uniti hanno riconosciuto l'importanza di, e ha espresso un forte sostegno per, impegno attivo di attori non statali nel promuovere l'agenda di sviluppo del sistema delle Nazioni Unite. UNOP ha lavorato in stretta collaborazione con la Fondazione delle Nazioni Unite per promuovere ulteriormente e implementare servizi di consulenza di partenariato e iniziative di sensibilizzazione, e promuovere strategie innovative per coinvolgere attori non statali con il sistema delle Nazioni Unite. L'Ufficio ha inoltre mediato e strategie coordinate per rafforzare le competenze organizzazioni e la capacità di coinvolgere aziende, fondazioni e gli individui a causa delle Nazioni Unite e per sostenere il sistema delle Nazioni Unite nei suoi sforzi di advocacy e di sensibilizzazione attraverso la costruzione di partnership. L'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership funge da gateway per i partenariati pubblico-privato con il sistema delle Nazioni Unite a sostegno degli obiettivi di sviluppo sostenibile (OSS). UNOP promuove strategie innovative per coinvolgere gli attori non statali, tra cui multinazionali, fondazioni filantropiche, e le organizzazioni della società civile per contribuire a soddisfare gli obiettivi delle Nazioni Unite. L'Ufficio fornisce Partnership di consulenza e servizio Outreach in risposta alla crescente domanda da parte del sistema, governi delle Nazioni Unite e gli attori non statali nel perseguire partenariati pubblico-privato, attraverso eventi di grande impatto e consigli ai potenziali partner per quanto riguarda le procedure e le pratiche migliori per promuovere la le SDGs come un quadro per l'azione. Supporti per Social Impact Summit 11 aprile 2014, New York il 11 aprile 2014 l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership in collaborazione con la Fondazione PVBLIC ospitato Media inaugurale for Social Summit Impact. L'evento ha riunito le agenzie delle Nazioni Unite e influenti aziende leader dei media, le imprese di pubblicità e agenzie creative per sottolineare il potere dei mezzi di comunicazione per guidare il cambiamento sociale. PBVLIC Foundation è l'organizzazione concessione che mobilita il potere dei media per spingere per il cambiamento sociale. Il vertice ha fornito l'opportunità di mostrare le campagne attraverso keynote, pannelli e tavole rotonde per i rappresentanti alla rete e creare partnership per ulteriori progressi. I partecipanti e le partecipanti vi Colomba, Rainforest Alliance, UN Women e molti altri. Attore e attivista sociale, Adrian Grenier, è stato assegnato un Media for Social Impact Award per il suo lavoro con SHFT così come Colomba per il loro reale Donne campagna di corpi reali. Annette Richardson, Senior Advisor per l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership insieme a Elizabeth Nyamayaro, Senior Advisor di Sotto Segretario Generale e Direttore Esecutivo di UN Women guidato la tavola rotonda su donne e ragazze durante l'evento. L'evento sicuramente ha riunito menti brillanti in media per costruire partnership per ulteriori bene sociale e il progresso. Successo per il progresso 7 Marzo 2014, New York Il 7 marzo, alla vigilia della Giornata internazionale della donna, l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per il partenariato co-ospitato, in collaborazione con società di investimento Ohana Co. un successo dal titolo pranzo per il Progresso. L'evento ha riunito 150 migliori marche di lusso e stile di vita per celebrare il ruolo fondamentale che le donne svolgono nella formazione del tessuto sociale ed economico delle generazioni presenti e future, e per ricordarci che l'empowerment delle donne e delle ragazze è un diritto umano, non solo l'economia. La discussione si è evoluta su temi quali Avanzando priorità di sviluppo globale attraverso difesa del marchio, e il ruolo essenziale della moda e di bellezza Industries per l'empowerment delle donne e ragazze a livello globale. altoparlanti notevoli inclusi Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, direttore esecutivo di donne Paul ONU Van Zyl, CEO Maiyet Joey Adler, CEO di Diesel Canada Sade Baderinwa, WABC Giornalista televisivo Melanie Griffith, Celebrity Attivista Susan Rockefeller, regista e filantropo e Jeannette Chang, Vice Presidente Senior e direttore Publishing international, Hearst Magazines international. Passando Ispirazione in azione 4 Marzo 2014, New York il 4 marzo. l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per i partenariati e la Camera degli Stati Uniti delle Fondazioni Commerce Corporate Citizenship Centro in collaborazione con Business Call to Action co-ospitato il 4 ° Forum delle donne annuali. Intitolato Passando ispirazione in Azione: prossime tappe per il settore privato ad autorizzare le donne a livello globale, l'evento si tuffò in profondità le molte sfide che le donne e le ragazze ancora affrontare nel raggiungere l'indipendenza economica con una forte focalizzazione sulle soluzioni. Il forum ha anche evidenziato il ruolo settori privato in questi sforzi e come le aziende ei loro partner stanno lavorando per costruire un ecosistema di supporto per le donne e le ragazze di tutto il mondo. altoparlanti notevoli inclusi Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Direttore Esecutivo di UN Women John McKernan, Presidente della Camera di commercio statunitense Fondazione Robert Orr, UN Assistente del Segretario generale per la politica di coordinamento e pianificazione strategica Chelsea Clinton, il vice presidente della Fondazione Clinton e Melanne Verveer , direttore esecutivo dell'Istituto per le donne, pace e sicurezza alla Georgetown University. Con i suoi oltre 800 partecipanti al forum ha esaminato il tema delle donne e l'economia arrivando alla conclusione inevitabile che economicamente l'emancipazione delle donne non solo è possibile, ma non c'è altra scelta. 2014 Investor Summit sul clima di rischio 15 Gennaio 2014, New York il 15 gennaio 2014 i leader finanziari globali riuniti nella camera di ECOSOC, in occasione del vertice dell'investitore sul rischio climatico, organizzato in collaborazione con Cerere, la Fondazione delle Nazioni Unite e l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per i partenariati. Gli argomenti delle presentazioni e le discussioni che hanno avuto luogo durante il vertice variava da le ultime tendenze della scienza del clima e le loro implicazioni per portafogli di investimento, alle innovazioni in materia di efficienza energetica e tecnologie pulite, così come il ruolo communitys finanziarie nel sostenere politiche energetiche e climatiche sostenibili . Per tutta la giornata, è stato stimolante per ascoltare i leader dai mondi più grandi fondi pensione, gestori patrimoniali, e le aziende articolare il modo in cui sono in aumento per la sfida climatica. Il messaggio del vertice è stato chiaro: Affrontare il cambiamento climatico e la transizione verso un futuro di energia pulita è una delle più grandi opportunità del 21 ° secolo. Un tema centrale e l'esito del vertice è stata la richiesta di maggiori investimenti in energia pulita, compresa l'energia rinnovabile e l'efficienza energetica. Un rapporto pubblicato dalla Ceres in occasione del vertice ha stimato che il finanziamento delle tecnologie pulite e dell'efficienza energetica a basso tenore di carbonio richiesto è stato di circa 1 trilione all'anno entro il 2050 al fine di evitare il riscaldamento globale di più di 2 gradi Celsius. Si può leggere di più sui risultati del vertice e sulla pulito trilioni sul sito Ceres. Per guardare la copertura completa del vertice. segui link al webcast delle Nazioni Unite. Tra i vertici numerosi relatori di rilievo inclusi Christiana Figueres, la Convenzione quadro delle Nazioni Unite sui cambiamenti climatici Robert Orr, Assistente del Segretario Generale per la programmazione politica, Tom Steyer, Farallon Capital Management Nick Robins, HSBC Robert E. Rubin, ex segretario del Tesoro degli Stati Uniti Richard Trumka , AFL-CIO, Thomas DiNapoli, Stato di New York Comptroller, Michael Liebreich, Bloombergy New Energy Finance e Timothy E. Wirth, Vice-Presidente della Fondazione delle Nazioni Unite. Il rischio degli investitori vertice sul clima delle Nazioni Unite è un evento biennale nata nel 2003. E 'il forum preminente per i principali investitori istituzionali per discutere le implicazioni del cambiamento climatico per i mercati dei capitali e i loro portafogli. Forbes 400 Filantropia vertice del 2 dicembre 2013 di New York Il 5 giugno, in collaborazione con Forbes Magazine e la Fondazione delle Nazioni Unite, l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership co-ospitato la Filantropia vertice Forbes 400 presso le Nazioni Unite. La giornata è iniziata con i saluti di Segretario Generale Ban Ki-Moon, in onore di oltre 150 imprenditori miliardari e filantropi che hanno rivolto la loro attenzione ad alcuni dei più grandi questioni sociali del nostro tempo. I partecipanti, come Bill Gates, Bono e Warren Buffett, che rappresentano quasi la metà un trilione della ricchezza mondi, hanno discusso come possono usare la loro ricchezza, fama e talento imprenditoriale per sradicare la povertà. Il vertice ha rafforzato una delle dell'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership obiettivi: per discutere il ruolo di filantropi privati nell'ambito delle iniziative pubbliche e riflettere su come le soluzioni basate sul mercato in grado di affrontare le sfide globali. Il vertice ha sottolineato la responsabilità dei settori pubblico, privato e imprenditoriali condividono al fine di trovare soluzioni su larga scala per la costruzione della pace e la prosperità. Tra i partecipanti Fondazione delle Nazioni Unite fondatore e presidente Ted Turner, Premio Nobel per la Pace e fondatore della Grameen Bank professor Muhammad Yunus, così come l'ex presidente di Ebay e fondatore della Fondazione Skoll, Jeff Skoll. Sono stati inoltre presentati due Forbes 400 premi vita. Muhammad Yunus ha ricevuto il Premio alla Forbes 400 a vita per l'Imprenditoria Sociale e Warren Buffet ha guadagnato il Premio Forbes 400 alla carriera per la Filantropia. Per onorare questo evento, il 2 dicembre, Forbes Special Filantropia problema è stata rilasciata in edicola. Per maggiori informazioni, clicca qui. Social Innovation Summit 19 novembre, 2013, New York novembre 19-20 al vertice dell'innovazione sociale si è svolta West Coast forum presso la Stanford Graduate School of Business a Palo Alto, California. Annette Richardson, Senior Advisor per l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership è stato invitato a moderare una tavola rotonda tavola rotonda sul tema delle donne e ragazze con Wendy Hawkins, direttore esecutivo della Fondazione Intel e Martha Adams, pluripremiato produttore di documentari. Il vertice è un evento biennale che riunisce le persone sul nesso di tecnologie, gli investimenti, la filantropia, sviluppo globale e di business per creare soluzioni e catalizzare collaborazioni trasformazione. Le aziende e le fondazioni rappresentati al vertice inclusi Google, Apple, Credit Suisse, Bill Melinda Gates Foundation, Goldman Sachs e will. i.ams Fondazione i. am. angel. Questo vertice è una piattaforma per esplorare che cosa è accanto nella zona di innovazione sociale. Per maggiori informazioni, clicca qui. MENA sociale Buono 7 novembre 2013, New York Il 7 novembre, Annette Richardson, Senior Advisor per l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership ha partecipato a un interattivo Summit Globale dal titolo MENA Buono sociale discutendo La forza del singolo: la responsabilità sociale, co-ospitato da Al - Mubadarah, un potenziamento dell'iniziativa araba. I relatori virtuali Vertici hanno discusso il ruolo di Internet, social media e la tecnologia per consentire e avanzando bene sociale nel mondo arabo, attirando un pubblico globale di oltre 30.000 persone. Moderato da Hazami Barmada, MENASocial buona Fondatore Organizzatore, di Al-Mubadarah, fondatore CEO, relatori provenienti da tutto il mondo praticamente si sono riuniti e hanno creato globale e impatto conversazioni, unendo sotto l'idea che la tecnologia può modellare sia il futuro e la produttività del mondo arabo . I partecipanti variava da Dr. Kevin Dusneath, direttore di Cisco in Europa, Africa, Medio Oriente e Russia per Endeavor membri nella regione, come Omar Elsahy, raggiungendo una vasta gamma di Thye settore privato, filantropi e la società civile. Opzioni e iniziative volte a sradicare la povertà, la disoccupazione giovanile, le immagini riformulazione della regione e crescente e dirigere la filantropia sono stati tra i temi più generali della manifestazione. Per maggiori informazioni, clicca qui. Revolution Soluzione 6 novembre 2013, New York il 6 Novembre 2013, l'Ufficio per i partenariati e il Fondo per la Democrazia co-coordinato un evento con il Consiglio economico e sociale e al Comitato economico e finanziario (2 ° Comitato) dell'Assemblea generale e Deloitte , a trovare soluzioni per affrontare le sfide dello sviluppo sostenibile e di accelerare il raggiungimento degli OSM. sfide di sviluppo che sono stati affrontati con prospettive di partner delle Nazioni Unite, il settore privato, e le raccomandazioni anche forniti e alternative politiche alla comunità internazionale sui modi per andare avanti. L'incontro ha riunito alti funzionari del settore privato delle Nazioni Unite e ad impegnarsi in un dialogo interattivo con gli Stati membri. Paul MacMillan, Global Industry Leader di Deloitte a capo del panel di discussione che è stato moderato da ABCs vincitore di un Emmy Giornalista televisivo, Sade Baderinwa. Per maggiori informazioni, clicca qui . Il Vertice mondiale sulla innovazione e l'imprenditorialità 9 Ottobre 2013, New York Il 9 ottobre, Annette Richardson, Senior Advisor per l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership ha partecipato a un pannello innovativo che ha discusso Disruptive Innovations: Spingendo New Frontiers, in questo anno vertice mondiale sulla innovazione e dell'imprenditorialità (WSIE) a New York Citys Museum of the Moving Image. Il WSIE è una piattaforma annuale in cui il fondatore Sam Hamdan, porta sognatori, i driver e prevaricatori insieme per discutere, sfida e innovare nuovi modi per trasformare di oggi imprese, città e laboratori. WSIEs obiettivo è quello di portare tutti i tipi di persone di interagire, rombo e fondere insieme per un domani migliore. I partecipanti che vanno dai rappresentanti reali quali Truls Burg dalla Norvegia discutere della Norvegia Future: Led per l'innovazione o Suneet Singh, fondatore di DataWind discutere perché le questioni tecnologiche Frugal per miliardi. consentito lo spazio di comunicazione di essere più grande e più potente che mai. discussione UNOPS anziano Advisors è stato moderato da Adi Ignatius, Editor-in-Chief della Harvard Business Review ei suoi colleghi relatori incluso: Albert Verde, CEO di Kent Displays, Lars Boilesen, CEO di Opera Software, Alan Dabbiere, Presidente Fondatore di AirWatch, Eric Bonabeau, Presidente Chief Scientific Officer di Icosystems ed infine Richard H. Hulit Jr. Vicepresidente del Product Management Technology mercato a NASDAQ OMX. Ogni partecipante è stato dato la sfida per discutere di come le norme di business stanno cambiando e come, sia con la tecnologia e le relazioni tra i diversi settori e industrie, possono le aziende, gli enti e le persone essere una parte del cambiamento di istituzionalizzare ideali per una migliore discussione mondo. I ruotava intorno all'idea che i partenariati sono una chiave essenziale per essere parte integrante del futuro. I relatori hanno sottolineato la necessità di filtrare attraverso tutti i grandi dati che ci troviamo di fronte, attraverso la fusione dei mezzi che abbiamo e stiamo creando, al fine di costruire risultati globali più incisivo. Globale Citizen Festival 28 settembre 2013, New York il 28 settembre, a sostegno delle iniziative segretari generali, l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per la leadership Partnership ha partecipato al Global Citizen Festival, un concerto annuale tenutasi a Central Park a New York City, prodotta e curata dal Progetto povertà globale. Questo evento globale volta a sensibilizzare l'opinione pubblica su temi quali servizi igienico-sanitari, cibo riforma degli aiuti, la povertà, l'uguaglianza di genere e la salute attraverso partnership strategiche di difesa. Questo anni Festival tirato al potere inizio con Stevie Wonder, Alicia Keys, Bono, John Mayer, Kings of Leon e altre celebrità dello spettacolo per tutta la giornata. Stevie Wonder sostenuto per la parità di diritti per le donne e l'educazione per tutti. Il Festival è riuscito a difendere le questioni legate agli obiettivi di sviluppo del millennio a 60.000 cittadini globali diretta streaming globale e promuovere la motivazione globale per cambiare positivamente per il futuro. Tra i suoi molti risultati, il cittadino Festival globale ispirato globali cittadini a prendere oltre 900.000 azioni per porre fine alla povertà e sostenere i mondi popolazioni più povere. 50.000 di queste azioni avevano lo scopo di chiamare i leader del settore preservativo di dedicare una parte dei loro profitti annuali di iniziative di pianificazione familiare, per cui molte aziende hanno risposto positivamente. Per ulteriori informazioni sul cittadino Festival globale, si prega di visitare il sito web del progetto povertà globale. MDG Successo 23 settembre, 2013, New York Il 23 settembre, l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership collaborato strettamente con l'Ufficio esecutivo del Segretario generale sulla pianificazione e l'esecuzione di OSM successo: Accelerare Azione e partnership per Impact, una riunione ad alto livello ha ospitato dal Segretario generale alla vigilia dell'apertura del dibattito generale della sessione di sessanta ottavo dell'Assemblea Generale. Questo forum ad alto livello è stato incaricato con il compito di catalizzare e accelerare ulteriori azioni per raggiungere gli MDG, con l'enfasi sugli esempi di come riuniscono dalla partnership tutta la gamma di OSM e iniziative segretari generali e concentrandosi sui modi concreti di scala fino successo e le opportunità per i più. Il segretario generale intesa a sostituire la più eventi singoli problema con uno coerente evento di giorno lungo che ha attirato lezioni attraverso aree tematiche e mobilitato il supporto per l'intera gamma di OSM. L'evento è stato articolato in dialoghi strutturati in lezioni e le strategie attraverso aree tematiche, concentrandosi su elementi funzionali chiave come il raggiungimento di scala, la responsabilità e l'innovazione, al fine di garantire l'attuazione a livello nazionale e la proprietà e protagonisti con un ruolo critico per accelerare i progressi. L'evento ha avuto l'input da iniziative multi-stakeholder e movimenti come ogni donna ogni bambino, Sustainable Energy for All, Global Education First Initiative, Fame Zero sfida, il Movimento Nutrizione scaling up, e la chiamata di azione in materia di servizi igienico-sanitari, quali obiettivi e attività coprono l'MDG. E 'presentato sforzi congiunti spinto per raffinati, attuabili e altamente motivati impegni ultimo miglio in ogni area di emissione e offerto l'esperienza delle diverse iniziative multistakeholder partenariato segretari generali come modello per tracciare la via da seguire. Folding le iniziative in una sessione intera giornata dimostrato una coerenza maggiore in tutto il programma di sviluppo e le sue modalità di attuazione e ha contribuito a spingere il dibattito sul partenariato come strumento fondamentale per mobilitare finanziamenti, competenze, conoscenze, e le grandi coalizioni di leader di tutto gli obiettivi delle Nazioni Unite e mandati . MDG successo ha prodotto degli ottimi risultati, tra cui 2,5 miliardi impegnati a sostegno degli obiettivi di sviluppo del Millennio. un feedback fortemente positivo da molti soggetti interessati è stato molto ben accolto. L'evento è stato una prova importante del concetto di mobilitazione in tutta elettorali. Per ulteriori informazioni su OSM Il successo e le iniziative multi-stakeholder segretari generali, fare clic qui. Per vedere altre foto della manifestazione, si prega di visitare il link Centri di Informazione delle Nazioni Unite. Presentazione del progetto vincitore per la schiavitù Memorial 23 settembre, 2013, New York Il 23 settembre, l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership ha partecipato alla presentazione del progetto vincitore per il Memorial permanente in onore delle vittime della schiavitù e lo schiavo del commercio transatlantico. Rodney Leon, un architetto di New York, ha vinto il concorso con un disegno dal titolo Arca di ritorno. Ha presentato il suo lavoro come uno spazio simbolico spirituale e l'oggetto dove si può interagire e passare attraverso per il riconoscimento, la contemplazione, la meditazione, la riflessione, la guarigione, l'istruzione e la trasformazione. LLa Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership collaborato con l'organizzazione logistica del concorso internazionale di progettazione somministrato attraverso la sede UNESCOs a Parigi, in collaborazione con l'Advisory Board e del Comitato memoriale permanente, presieduto dal rappresentante permanente della Giamaica. Il concorso ha ricevuto più di 300 ssions submi da artisti e architetti da 83 diverse nazionalità. Una volta eretta in autunno 2014 una posizione facilmente accessibile a sede delle Nazioni Unite, il monumento sarà un simbolo nel riconoscimento della tragedia della schiavitù e pregiudizi razziali e servirà scopi educativi per le generazioni future. Per saperne di più l'iniziativa e seguire l'avanzamento della costruzione Memorial, visitare il sito web permanente Memorial e il Memorial permanente della pagina di Facebook. Per vedere altre foto della cerimonia di inaugurazione, clicca qui Made in Africa Luncheon 26 settembre 2013, New York il 26 settembre, l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per i partenariati supportato il Made in Africa Foundation lavora pranzo di co-ospitato da Arthur Sulzberger Jr. editore di The New York volte presso gli uffici di New York Times a New York. Il raduno esclusivo incluso il sig Ozwald Boateng, fondatore del Made In Africa Foundation, Mr Chris intelligente, CEO del Made in Africa Foundation, Mr Tony Elumelu, Presidente degli eredi Holdings, Mr Jamie Fox, attore, cinese private equity gigante Patrick Zhong della Gruppo Fosun, ex ministro degli esteri del Regno Unito e CEO International Rescue Committee David Miliband, la signora Annette Richardson, senior Advisor presso l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per i partenariati e alti rappresentanti della Banca africana di sviluppo. Il pranzo lo scopo di discutere la necessità di finanziare progetti infrastrutturali che cresce in Africa come veicoli a occupazione e la crescita in tutti i settori. La partnership tra la Banca africana di sviluppo e il Made in Africa Foundation fungere da catalizzatore per la crescita in tutti i settori, forniscono l'occupazione e la diffusione della ricchezza, concentrandosi su progetti di infrastrutture commercialmente valide che rafforzano l'Africa. Lo sviluppo Banche Presidente africano, il signor Donald Kaberuka, ha spiegato in video che, al fine di aumentare il tasso di consegna in frastruttura in Africa, abbiamo bisogno di accelerare la preparazione dei progetti e lo sviluppo del progetto. L'obiettivo fondamentale è quello di ridurre il tempo che intercorre tra l'idea e la stretta finanziaria da una media attuale di sette anni a meno di tre anni. Per maggiori informazioni si prega di visitare il sito Made in Africa Foundation. Blouin creativo Leadership Summit 23 Settembre 2013, New York The Louise Blouin Foundation e l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per i partenariati co-ospitato l'ottava edizione Blouin creativo Leadership Summit il 23-25 settembre presso il Metropolitan Club di New York City. Il vertice è un forum in stile think-tank, istituito dalla Blouin Foundation Louise, in collaborazione strategica con l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership, che favorisce una conoscenza condivisa della cultura, della tecnologia e un confronto reciproco delle sfide poste dalla povertà, conflitti e instabilità economica . Le discussioni ha riunito esperti come Martin Chalfie, un premio Nobel e docente universitario presso la Columbia University, il signor Stephen Friedman, presidente di MTV, e molti altri leader nei campi della diplomazia, dei media, delle arti, della tecnologia, della cultura e degli affari. Questo anno Summit introdotto un terzo giorno di conversazioni incentrate esclusivamente sulle arti e della cultura, con argomenti che vanno da L'arte dell'Iran, tendenze nel mercato Arte e il Museo del futuro. Per ulteriori informazioni sul Blouin creativo Leadership Summit, si prega di visitare il loro sito. Investire In Africa 22 settembre 2013, New York il 22 settembre, in collaborazione con l'Ufficio della osservatore permanente dell'Unione africana alle Nazioni Unite, l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per i partenariati e Renaissance Capital ldquoInvesting in Africardquo co-ospitato una cena privata focalizzata su discussioni circa il futuro dello sviluppo in Africa attraverso investimenti a lungo termine. La cena, che si tiene presso il Waldorf-Astoria di New York City, ha riunito importanti investitori globali, i rappresentanti dei governi africani, l'Unione Africana e la leadership Renaissance Capital. Mr. John Hyman, Presidente e CEO di Renaissance Capital e il signor Roland Rich, Ufficiale-in-Charge dell'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership, ha accolto gli ospiti con una discussione aperta sul futuro dello sviluppo africano. Mr Charles Robertson, Economista Capo Globale di Renaissance Capital, ha portato una presentazione di successo del futuro economico dell'Africa e dei benefici di investimenti a lungo termine. Robert C. Orr, UN Assistente del Segretario Generale per la Pianificazione Strategica, e osservato Anthony Mothae Maruping, Commissario economica per l'Unione africana, sono stati tra gli ospiti illustri. Il ldquoInvesting in Africardquo cena promosso un nuovo tipo di discussione incentrato sugli investimenti africana per lo sviluppo sostenibile. Per ulteriori informazioni in merito a Renaissance Capital, clicca qui. TEDxUNPlaza 16 settembre 2013, New York il 16 settembre, il sociale sala del Consiglio economico e servito come sede per la conferenza dal titolo TEDxUNPlaza BRAVE: United in azione. L'evento di giorno a lungo ha caratterizzato corta, impegnandosi interventi di leader di pensiero e responsabili del cambiamento in vari campi di affari globali, tra cui la tecnologia, la medicina, cinema e intrattenimento. L'obiettivo della manifestazione è stato quello di mostrare, soluzioni multi-disciplinari innovative a problemi complessi in un modo che sia accessibile al pubblico globale. L'evento è stato aperto da Nikhil Seth, Direttore della Divisione per lo sviluppo sostenibile a UN-DESA e webcast in tutto il mondo. Lo scopo di TEDxUNPlaza è quello di raccogliere gli altoparlanti di ispirazione per parlare in individui che abilita se stessi, di pensare e di agire per un futuro migliore, il coraggio è stato scelto in quanto questo tema anni per essere un elemento cruciale che consente di attuare il cambiamento necessario. Tutto attraverso le varie sessioni - Womens Empowerment, cambiare tutto, idee per i partecipanti di azione e di essere umano da ogni background e le età condiviso le loro esperienze come motori di cambiamento. Tra storie raccontate, Mallory Weggemann, record mondiale degli Stati Uniti paralimpico nuotatore (nella foto) ha parlato con il pubblico circa l'importanza di non mollare mai, al fine di realizzare i sogni. In una presentazione chiamato Triumph dopo tragedia, ha dichiarato: Tutto accade per una ragione. Non sono i momenti nella vita che definiscono chi siamo: è quello che facciamo dopo, come reagiamo agli eventi. Per ascoltare più altoparlanti e guardare l'evento, clicca qui. TEDxUNPlaza è un evento TEDx organizzati in modo indipendente a cura di organizzatori TEDx locali e internazionali, con il sostegno del Dipartimento delle Nazioni Unite per gli Affari Economici e Sociali e l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per i partenariati. Ha segnato l'inizio di vari eventi speciali che hanno portato alla prima sessione del Forum politico ad alto livello sullo sviluppo sostenibile. Per ulteriori informazioni su questo evento, compresi i relatori presenti, ti invitiamo a visitare il sito web TEDxUNPlaza Social Innovation Summit 2013 29 MAGGIO 2013, New York il 29 e 30 maggio, l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per i partenariati di co-ospitato, in collaborazione con Landmark Ventures , il Vertice sociale Innovazione 2013. il primo giorno è stato ospitato presso la sede Morgan JP con il giorno successivo alla Sala dell'Assemblea Generale. Il vertice innovazione sociale è un forum che esplora cosa successiva nel mondo di Social Innovation. Il vertice si collega e ispira una rete globale di leader per discutere le strategie chiave e le innovazioni aziendali creando trasformazione sociale in tutti i settori, di investimenti, di governo e senza scopo di lucro aziendale. Tra i partecipanti figurano top Fortune 500 dirigenti aziendali, Venture Capitalist, capi di governo, Fondazione teste e imprenditori sociali desiderosi di discutere le sfide globali, analizzare approcci innovativi per la soluzione dei problemi, e costruire partnership durature che loro e le loro organizzazioni consentono di massimizzare l'impatto sociale. Will Kennedy, Terza Programme Officer UNOP, ha partecipato alla porzione Giovedi sera moderare un pannello intitolato Ridurre, Riutilizzare, Riciclare. Annette Richardson, Consigliere, ha parlato anche il Giovedi sera a discutere donne e ragazze empowerment. Il vertice intera giornata presso l'ONU è stato aperto da Robert Orr, Assistente del Segretario Generale, e Roland Rich, UNOP Ufficiale-in-Charge. Gli argomenti trattati varia dalla filantropia, sviluppo infantile, l'educazione personalizzata, donne e ragazze responsabilizzazione al ruolo della tecnologia e dell'innovazione in alimentando la crescita economica e la lotta alla povertà. La diversità dei temi trattati e dei partenariati costituiti stata meglio rappresentata nel pannello centrato sull'ambiente consapevolezza nel mondo degli affari, con Matthew Arnold, il capo degli affari ambientali a JPMorgan Chase, e Jason Clay, vice presidente senior della trasformazione del mercato al World Wildlife Fondo, due lati che sono stati alle estremità opposte della discussione in passato, ora lavora insieme ad ulteriori progressi. I partecipanti sono stati in grado di votare per le organizzazioni senza scopo di lucro a ricevere sovvenzioni da JPMorgan. I 11 vincitori sono stati concessi 275.000 nell'ambito del programma Giving Chase Community. Tra questi: verde Bronx macchina internazionale, che insegna agli studenti nel South Bronx di auto-sostenibilità attraverso la coltivazione giardini commestibili nel Fondo 10x10 classe, una campagna di azione sociale intorno investire nell'istruzione ragazze adolescenti nel mondo in via di sviluppo brillante rosa, che sostiene la prevenzione e la la diagnosi precoce del cancro al seno e alle ovaie nelle donne giovani irragionevole Institute, che insegna imprenditori come lanciare le aziende finanziariamente sostenibili e non-profit Code. org, che sostiene la crescita dell'educazione programmazione di computer charity: water, che lavora per portare potabile pulita e sicura acqua per ogni persona nel foro mondiale nella parete Gang Camp, che fornisce la guarigione trasformazionale gratuito per i bambini gravemente malati e le loro famiglie nel nord-est Right to Play, che utilizza giocare per consentire ai giovani di superare gli effetti della povertà, i conflitti e le malattie Venture per l'America, che prevede un programma per i laureati di talento di trascorrere due anni con una start-up per aiutarli a mobilitare gli imprenditori K9s per i guerrieri, che fornisce canini di servizio per i veterani che soffrono di stress post-traumatico Dixon center, che risponde alle esigenze urgenti dei i membri militari di servizio e veterani e le loro famiglie. Il vertice utilizzato star power, come Rooney Mara, per il campione il suo lavoro come ambasciatrice per Oxfam America. dove il suo ruolo di presidente della Fondazione Uweza. un ente di beneficenza che sostiene programmi di empowerment di comunità per bambini e famiglie a Kibera, una delle Afriche più grandi baraccopoli, che si trova a Nairobi, in Kenya. Attrice Glenn Close è stato anche lì per discutere il suo lavoro come il co-fondatore di portare il cambiamento 2 Mente. un lavoro non-profit di San Francisco per terminare la stigmatizzazione e la discriminazione che deriva dalla malattia mentale. African First Lady Salute vertice del 2 aprile 2013, Los Angeles il 2 ° delle First Lady Africane Health Summit si è tenuto il APRILE 02-04 presso l'Hotel Intercontinental a Los Angeles, California. Derivanti da una collaborazione tra l'Ufficio delle Nazioni Unite per le Partnership (UNOP) e la Commissione dell'Unione africana per gli Stati Uniti, il vertice hanno partecipato il First Ladies, Seconda Signore e rappresentanti del governo del Ghana, Gabon, Nigeria, Congo, Guinea, Congo - Brazzaville, Mali, Mozambico, Namibia e Angola. Erano presenti anche molti altri funzionari di governo africani, imprenditori e rappresentanti delle agenzie di assistenza estera. The discussions focused on improving health care for women and children in Africa and highlighted the UN Secretary-Generals Every Women Every Child initiative aiming to save the lives of 16 million women and children by 2015. The First Ladies called for definitive action steps and multi-stakeholder commitments which compliment each nations priorities and vision for a better future for women and children. Consultation on Ethanol Cookstoves and Fuel at the UN 4 April 2013, New York On April 4th, the UN Office for Partnerships (UNOP) was a co-host of The Public-Private Alliance Foundation (PPAF) consultation in support of the Global Alliance for Clean Cookstoves. The consultation focused on a pilot project supporting the commercialization of ethanol cook stoves and fuel in Haiti. The consultation brought together a range of actors to advance the expansion of the project. This clean cookstove project is underway in towns of Southeast Haiti where growing sugarcane and alcohol production have a strong tradition. The high-proof alc ohol distilled by small-scale Haitian sugarcane distilleries provides the fuel for the project stoves. Commercialization of the cookstoves and fuel takes advantage of existing equipment and technology and creates a new value stream for farmers and distillers. The project responds to a growing desire by Haitians at all levels to overcome the poverty, respiratory disease and deforestation trap of the countrys heavy reliance on cooking with wood or charcoal. The cookstoves can be used by a large cross section of the population including low-income mothers, community organization representatives, small business owners, government officials and by hotels. It is the first project of its kind in Haiti. PPAF works with collaborators to save lives, improve livelihoods, empower women, and protect the environment in the developing world at household and small business levels. For further information on the PPAF and this initiative please visit the website. Pearl Initiative Roundtable on Corporate Accountability and Governance 7th March 2013, Manama, Bahrain On March 7th, the United Nations Office for Partnerships (UNOP) participated in a roundtable discussion with the Pearl Initiative in Manama, Bahrain. The Pearl Initiative, developed in collaboration with UNOP, is a GCC-based, private sector-led, not-for-profit organisation set up to foster a corporate culture of transparency, accountability, good governance and best business practices in the Arab world. Pearl Initiative seeks to influence the thinking of business leaders in the region, and has achieved much through tangible initiatives on anti-corruption, corporate governance, ethics and integrity, integrated reporting, corporate disclosure and responsible business practices. This event brought together over forty executives and senior officials from GCC public companies, private sector, state-owned enterprises, United Nations, financial institutions and other government entities. Roland Rich, UNOP Officer-in-Charge, expressed his pleasure in working with the Pearl Initiative to advance fundamental principles within the region. He stressed the importance of working with the private sector to advance progress on key global issues. The other discussion leaders were Jamal Fakhro, Chairman at KPMG MESA Region, Mahmood Al-Kooheji, CEO of Mumtalakat and Chairman of ALBA, and Hala F. Almoayyed, Executive Director at Almoayyed Contracting Group. The discussion focused on the need for strong culture of corporate governance and the importance of being proactive to avoid government mandated regulation. Protocols are needed from the top of an organization to the bottom to ensure integrity and transparency. International Womens Day Forum: How Economic Empowerment Strengthens Business 8th March 2013, New York On March 8th, the U. S. Chamber Business Civic Leadership Center and United Nations Office for Partnerships will celebrate on the occasion of International Womens Day at the Ford Foundation headquarters. This annual forum brings together leaders committed to the economic empowerment of women and explores the influential role women play in the global business value chain. As more women formally enter into the economy, positive macroeconomic externalities include increased productivity for business, increased school attendance for civil society, and higher economic growth. However, woman and girls still face many challenges in attaining economic independence. This forum will highlight the influential role women play in the business sector and how companies and their partners are working to catalyze the economic empowerment of women in global markets. This event is by invite only. For more information please click here. Beyond Money Roundtable 7th February 2013, New York The UN Office for Partnerships is pleased to co-host the Beyond Money Roundtable discussion with Recipco, which will be held on Thursday, February 7th, 2013. Beyond Money is a public-private initiative to engage relevant and affected parties to cooperate in, and contribute to, the development, dissemination and implementation of innovations in economic theory and practice designed to improve global economic and social conditions. The intention of the initiative is to inspire and motivate worldwide changes to the current mechanisms of trade and finance that will be more inclusive and will improve the global economy through better use of the worlds available and often wasted capacity. Issues related to capacity exchanges, alternatives to sovereign currency-based trade and other new market methodologies will be discussed. The event will bring together UN staff for a discussion on current and new mechanisms of economic trade and development and how the UN system can utilize and contribute to this initiative to impact the fulfilment of the UN goals and objectives. The event will be hosted in the North Lawn Building at the United Nations Headquarters at 3:00 on February 7th, by invite only. For further information on Recipco, please visit their website. Pearl Initiative Roundtable Luncheon on Corporate Accountability in the Arab World 24th September 2012, New York In cooperation with the UN Office for Partnerships (UNOP). the Pearl Initiative. a private sector-let non-profit organization set up to improve transparency, accountability and business practices in the Arab world, held a Roundtable Luncheon on Corporate Accountability at the United Nations on Monday, September 24th, 2012. The high-level roundtable marked the two-year anniversary of the launch of the Pearl Initiative, and brought together business leaders from the public sector and private companies, state owned enterprises and family firms, GCC Government Leaders, UN Leaders and Ambassadors as well as Heads of NGOs and Foundations to discuss the current state and the future of corporate accountability and transparency in the region. Welcoming the participants to the luncheon were the Co-Founders of the Pearl Initiative, Badr Jafar, President of Crescent Petroleum, and Amir Dossal, Founder and Chairman of Global Partnerships Forum. They were followed by Roland Rich, Officer-in-Charge, UN Office for Partnerships Basil Moftah, Thomson Reuters MD for Middle East, Africa and Russia Adel Abdellatif, Chief, Regional Programme Division for the Regional Bureau for Arab States at UNDP, Joseph Rizzo, PWCs UN Global Relationship Partner and Hoda Al Khamis-Kanoo, Chairman of the Abu Dhabi Music and Arts Foundation (ADMAF) all whom shared personal insight and experiences of corporate best practices in the region. Our approach recognizes the private sector is fuelled by incentive. If corporations are to embrace good governance as part of the very fabric of their business models, then they must be persuaded it makes business sense to invest in good governance, said Badr Jafar while conveying the organizations mission. We envisage an environment in which current and future business leaders see corporate accountability and transparency as key pillars of business success. And, we are determined to be the leading organization for influencing and improving business behavior in the Arab world. Roland Rich expressed UNOPs enthusiasm about working with the Pearl Initiative to help realize this vision. The goal is to build multi stakeholder partnerships. The corporate world has the know-how and resources to build such constituency. We need to assist the Secretary General to make this a reality, and work with stakeholders to deliver on the Millennium Development Goals, he said. The Pearl Initiative seeks to influence the thinking of business leaders in the Arab world, and has achieved much through tangible initiatives on anti-corruption, corporate governance, ethics and integrity, integrated reporting, corporate disclosure and responsible business practices. Among its many successes are the launch of a joint regional Partnering Against Corruption Initiative (PACI) with the World Economic Forum, and numerous round-table seminars in Dubai, Riyadh, Qatar and Bahrain. The organization is also working closely with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to advance the regional anti-corruption agenda and engage the private sector on this reform process. Women Leaders Forum: Connecting Women and Youth for Digital Development 24 September 2012 The UN Office for Partnerships, in collaboration with the Advanced Development for Africa (ADA) Foundation, the Global Partnerships Forum and the Digital Helth Initiative, co-hosted a major gathering of business, government, civil society and United Nations leaders at the third annual quotWomen Leaders Forum: Connecting Women and Youth for Digital Developmentquot. The Forum met in parallel with 67th Session of the United Nations General Assembly on Monday September 24th to debate digital inclusion for scaling-up the Millennium Development Goals and beyond as a development prerequisite. Gender equity and youth empowerment have for too long been the missing links in the human development value chain. Yet despite the explosion in extreme innovation and extreme affordability brought on by the digital revolution, the full impact in health, energy, education and economic empowerment has only begun to be realized. With only three years to go until the MDG 2015 target date the time for collective and concerted action is now. Speakers at the Women Leaders Forum will include Sade Baderinwa, WABC-TV News Anchor, Carol Bellamy, President, Global Partnership for Education, Cherie Blair, Founder, Cherie Blair Foundation for Women, Vinton G. Cerf, Chief Internet Evangelist, Google, Becky Chidester, President, Wunderman World Health, Joan Clos, Under Secretary General amp Executive Director, UN Habitat, Google, Geena Davis, Founder, Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media, Yvonne MacPherson, Executive Director, BBC Media Action USA, Kevin McGovern, CEO, The Water Initiative, Carolyn S. Miles, President amp CEO, Save the Children, Jay Naidoo, Chair, GAIN (Global Initiative for Improved Nutrition), Aishwary Rai, UN AIDS International Goodwill Ambassador, Jeffrey Sachs, Director, The Earth Institute at Columbia University, Michel Sidib, Executive Director, UNAIDS, Hamadoun I. Tour, Secretary General, International Telecommunication Union, Naomi Watts, UNAIDS International Goodwill Ambassador and many more. Women Leaders Forum: Connecting Women and Youth for Digital Development 22 September 2012 The UN Office for Partnerships was pleased to support the WIE Symposium New York which was held on September 22nd and 23rd at the New School, NYC. WIE is a dynamic conference designed to inspire and empower women and girls. The event brought together prominent leaders from the worlds of politics, business, fashion, philanthropy, media, entertainment and the arts, in two full days of lively panels, workshops, master-classes and an inspirational awards ceremony. WIE is a fantastic networking opportunity for women, allowing them to connect with their peers and be inspired by their mentors. This years theme: The New Guard featured topics such as the Business of Creativity, Harnessing the Potential of E-commerce, Presentation and Pitching skills for Entrepreneurs andBody Image and the Media. For more information, please visit their website. Blouin Creative Leadership Summit 20th September 2012, New York The annual Blouin Creative Leadership Summit (BCLS) will take place on Thursday, September 20 and Friday, September 21, 2012 in New York City. Since its founding in strategic partnership with the United Nations Office for Partnerships in 2006, the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit convenes an unparalleled group of world leaders from a wide array of disciplines. In a think tank discussion format, business leaders engage with directors of global agencies, leading CEOs, Nobel lau reates, technology innovators and pioneering researchers. The BCLS is a platform to develop tangible solutions and build networks in order to address the challenges and opportunities presented by globalization. The Summit concludes with the Louise Blouin Foundation Awards Ceremony and Gala Dinner honoring individuals whose leadership has extended beyond national boundaries to bring about positive social, economic, scientific or cultural change. For more information about the summit, please visit website. Social Innovation Summit 2012 31 May 2012, New York On May 31, The UN Office for Partnerships co-hosted, in partnership with Landmark Ventures, the Social Innovation Summit 2012. The Summit is a private, invitation-only forum that explores Whats Next in the world of Social Innovation. Tailored to executive leaders interested in discussing the strategies and business innovations effecting social transformation across the corporate, investment, government, and non-profit sectors. Participants will include hundreds of top Fortune 500 Corporate Executives, Venture Capitalists, Government Leaders, Emerging Market Investors, Foundation Heads and Social Entrepreneurs eager to discuss social challenges, analyze innovative approaches and build lasting partnerships that enable them and their organizations to affect positive social change. Dr. Soon-Hong Choi, United Nations assistant secretary-general and chief information technology officer, announced the formation of the Foundation for a Digital United Nations. The foundations goal, according to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, is to provide advice and resources that will enable the United Nations to harness the power of information and communications technology. This years themes of business innovation and social transformation converged in real world examples and discussion around new projects. The attendees represented companies committed to continued business evolution, hybrid-organizations, and non-profits working on high-impact solutions. A few in attendance included: Yoxi, Full Circle Fund, Palm Ventures, The Case Foundation, The University of Chicago, Hult Global Case Challenge and the Museum of Math. Standing out as a committed sponsor, JPMorgan Chase continued within the theme by awarding 250,000 to ten non-profit organizations. Others prominent speakers included multi-Grammy Award recipient, Alicia Keys, Steve Gleason former defensive back with the New Orleans Saints football team diagnosed last year with Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis (ALS), Laura Arrillaga Andreessen, founder and chair of the Stanford Center on Philanthropy and Civil Society, Jeffrey Hollender, co-founder of Burlington, Vt. s Seventh Generation, Biologist J. Craig Venter, one of the first scientists to sequence the human genome and who sequenced and made public his own genome in 2007, Director of the White Houses Office of Social Innovation and Civic Participation Jonathan Greenblatt, Chief Digital Officer of Starbucks Coffee Company Adam Brotman and venture capitalist Nick Beim and Robert J. Torres, senior program officer at the Bill Melinda Gates Foundation. The Role of Business in Empowering Women 8 March 2012, New York In celebration of the International Womens Day on 8 March, the UN Office for Partnerships and the Business Civic Leadership Center of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce co-hosted the annual Womens Forum at the UN Headquarters. The theme of this years Forum was The Role of Business in Empowering Women, with participants ranging from leaders of Fortune 500 companies, social entrepreneurs, foundation presidents, and representatives of international organizations, and NGOs. Opening remarks were delivered by Al Martinez-Fonts, the Executive Vice President of the US Chamber of Commerce, and Roland Rich, Officer-in-Charge of the UN Office for Partnerships. Lakshmi Puri, Assistant Secretary-General and Deputy Executive Director of UN Women delivered the keynote remarks and urged governments and businesses to work together, stressing that advances in gender equality are economically and socially advantageous for governments as well as businesses. The Forum was built around three interactive panel discussions that allowed for in-depth and dynamic dialogues with regard to enhancing womens financial inclusion, building enabling environments for women to thrive as entrepreneurs as well as to create opportunities for women to participate in commerce through inclusive and transparent supply chains. The panel discussions featured Pam Flaherty, CEO of the Citi Foundation amp Director of Corporate Citizenship, Citi Charlotte Oades, Global Director, Womens Economic Empowerment, The Coca-Cola Company Renee Kuriyan, Director, Social Impact, Intel Corporations Corporate Responsibility Office, and other high-level representatives of the private and public sectors. The panel discussions were followed by presentations by Lauren Bush who chronicled the success of her FEED project campaign Sheryl Wudunn, Author and Pulitzer winner and Olivia Lazare who presented the Cartiers Women Initiative Awards. In parallel with the Forum, there was a press conference to launch a joint initiative of the Citi Foundation and the Calvert Foundation called the Women INvesting in Women INitiative (WIN-WIN) which will contribute a minimum of 20 million to high-impact organizations and projects worldwide which create opportunities for women lacking access to traditional credit and funding. Citi Foundation will provide a 1 million grant to support Calverts WIN-WIN initiative. Citi Foundations contribution is intended to enhance efficient deployment of funds to microfinance institutions and community development financial institutions that are investing in women-focused small businesses and critical services impacting low-income women and their families. Finally, Dermalogica, provided participants with product samples, with each sample carrying a code which unlocks a 1 donation to support their FITE - Financial Independence Through Entrepreneurship initiative, presented at the last years Forum. For more information about the event, pls. find attached the agenda. You can also view the webcast of the Forum and the press conference at the following websites: UN Webcast Conference, UN Webcast 2, UN Webcast Press Conference, Agenda. Partnerships For More and Better Jobs For Young People 27 February 2012, New York The UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, the International Labour Organization, the UN Office for Partnerships, and Global Compact co-hosted the annual high-level meeting to highlight the International Philanthropy Day, this year focused on Partnerships For More and Better Jobs For Young People. The conference, convened at the United Nations Headquarters, brought together leaders from the private sector and foundations, as well as government and civil society representatives to discuss lessons learned and call for action to address youth unemployment in line with the 2012 ECOSOC Annual Ministerial Review. From technological innovations and entrepreneurship to agriculture and industrial policy, a number of ideas were presented and assessed. The event was opened by Deputy Secretary-General Dr. Asha Rose Migiro and chaired by the President of ECOSOC, H. E. Mr. Milo Koterec. The discussion was divided in two inter-active dialogues: Innovations in Promoting Youth Employment and Building New Business Models for Youth Employment, including Ms. Roy, President and CEO of Mastercard Foundation, Mr. Rezusta, CEO of Telefonica USA and Ms. Yamaguchi, CEO and Founder of Motherhouse Company. Mr. Badr Jafar, President of Crescent Petroleum and co-initiator of the Pearl Initiative, focused on job creation in the MENA region, highlighting that from crisis comes opportunity an opportunity to re-build the Arab World. He also stressed the importance of public-private partnerships encouraging businesses in taking pro-active action in all three critical areas of education, employment and entrepreneurship. For more information on Mr. Jafars speech, please follow link. The conference ended with Mr. David Arkless, President of Corporate and Government Affairs at Manpower Group and a moderator in the panel discussions, making a commitment to employ one-million youth by the end of the year For more information please visit their website. 5th World Conference on Women and Sport 16 February 2012, Los Angeles The International Olympic Committee, in coordination with the United States Olympic Committee and the Southern California Committee for the Olympic Games, held the 5th World Conference on Women and Sport on 16 February in Los Angeles. This three day conference entitled Together Stronger: The Future of Sport sought to identify ways to improve and increase the participation of women in the world of sport. Over the past twenty years, much progress has been made, to provide equal opportunities for women and girls globally. The outcome document of the conference highlights that only through collaboration and partnerships full equality can be reached. The conference, opened by Dr. Jacques Rogge, President of the International Olympic Committee, brought together both men and women from over 130 countries. UNDEFs Executive Head and UNOPs Officer in Charge, Roland Rich spoke at the plenary session on Partnerships for Progress, together with Pat McQuaid, IOC Member President of UCI Hon. Aloysia Inyumba, Rwandan Minister of Gender and Family Promotion and Ms Gina Drosos, President of Global Personal Beauty, PG. Other high-level speakers included Dr. Thomas H. Murray, President and CEO of the Hastings Center, as well as Ms Geena Davis, actor and activist for womens empowerment. The outcome of the conference was a declaration focused on two main themes: - The need to bring more women into management and leadership roles and - The need to increase collaboration and partnerships, especially with UN organisations, to promote gender equality. The declaration focused on two main themes: - The need to bring more women into management and leadership roles - The need to increase collaboration and partnerships, especially with UN organisations, to promote gender equality. The declaration is available at the following website . Dr. Rogge assured the conference delegates that the Olympic Movement would act on the recommendations. I can pledge and I can promise that we will do what is needed, he said in his closing remarks. The conference declaration acknowledged that the Olympic Movements steady progress towards gender equality on the field of play had not been matched in sports leadership positions. It called for more resources to support women in sports leadership roles and urged sports organisations to follow the IOCs lead by adopting policies to advance gender equality. For more information about the event please visit the IOCs website. The Role of Business in Empowering Women 8th March, UNHQ 8th March 2012, New York The United Nations Office for Partnerships and the Business Civic Leadership Center of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce, will host the high-level International Womens Day Forum on The Role of Business in Empowering Women. This high-profile discussion will enable corporate foundation presidents, emerging market investors, senior UN officials, and government partners to discuss and share lessons learned on the role of strategic partnerships to bridge the gap between women and their business opportunities. The Forum is built around three interactive panel discussions focused on women and their impact in the following areas: Innovation and Entrepreneurship Financial Inclusion and Supply Chain. Keynotes remarks will be made by Ms. Lakshmi Puri, Assistant Secretary-General and Deputy Executive Director of UN Women. Other speakers include Ms. Lauren Bush, Founder of FEED and Ms. Sheryl WuDunn, Author of Half the Sky, Ms. Charlotte Oades, Global Director for Womens Economic Empowerment of The Coca-Cola Company, Sarah Thorn, Director of International Trade at Walmart, Andrea Taylor, Director of North American Community Affairs of Microsoft Corporation and Olivia Lazare, Project Leader of Cartier Womens Initiative Awards. For more information please contact Elena Pasqualini at guest6uun. org. For the latest agenda, please follow link. The Cartier Womens Initiative Awards 19 January 2012, New York The Cartier Womens Initiative Awards are looking for committed female entrepreneurs heading initiatives with the potential to grow significantly in the years to come. The aim of the Cartier Womens Initiative Awards is to promote female entrepreneurship through funding, sharing, coaching, fostering and networking throughout the globe. Joining forces with the Womens Forum, INSEAD business school and McKinseyCompany, Cartier created in 2006 this annual Awards, consisting in an international business plan competition to accompany and guide initiatives by women entrepreneurs. Every year, six female entrepreneurs, each representing a major world region, are selected among 18 finalists who are coached before the final presentations. The six Laureates are awarded US20,000, coaching for one year, and networking and visibility opportunities. The competition is open to women entrepreneurs of any nationality who have founded a business, in any country or industry, which fulfils the eligibility and evaluation criteria. The very first Laureates were awarded in 2007. Since then, a total of 76 finalists have been supported and coached, 20 of whom have been awarded as Laureates. To apply for the 2012 edition, fill out the application form on cartierwomensinitiative. Application deadline: March 13, 2012 at 10am Paris time (CET). TEDx UNPLAZA 18 January 2012, New York TEDx was created in the spirit of TEDs mission, ideas worth spreading. The program is designed to give communities, organizations and individuals the opportunity to stimulate dialogue through TED-like experiences at the local level. The UN Office for Partnerships was pleased to support the first TEDxUN Plaza held on January 18 at UN Headquarters in New York. The event agenda, which theme was Working together on development in an ever-more wireless world, showcased a combination of screening a compelling TEDTalks video and exciting live presenters that sparked deep conversation and connections. Investor Summit on Climate Risk Energy Solutions 12 January 2012, New York In partnership with Ceres and the UN Foundation, the UN Office for Partnerships co-hosted the 2012 Investor Summit on Climate Risk and Energy Solutions. The conference, held on January 12, 2012 at UN Headquarters in New York - first major gathering of investors since the UN Global climate negotiations in Durban - comes at a moment when the need for private sector leadership to address climate change and its human, economic and material business risks has never been more pressing. The event convened 450 global investors controlling tens of trillions in assets from four continents who understand that climate change creates enormous economic risks and also know that it represents one of the great financial opportunities of our time. In alliance with the UN Secretary General declaring 2012 as the International Year of Sustainable Energy for All (sustainableenergyforall. org) and his call to action, the meeting focused on showcasing best examples of institutional investments in products and strategies to reach low-carbon emissions and clean-energy solutions globally as well as the latest innovations in financing mechanisms and capital commitments. Investors ended the conference by signing onto an action plan calling for greater private investments in low-carbon technologies and tougher scrutiny of climate risks across their portfolios. They also announced new guidelines on how companies should be boosting their attention to climate risks and opportunities and promised much closer scrutiny of companies that ignore them. THE COCA-COLA COMPANY JOINS (RED) TO HELP ELIMINATE AIDS 1 December 2011, New York The Coca-Cola Company today announced a multi-year partnership with (RED) to raise awareness and money for the Global Funds efforts to virtually eliminate mother-to-child transmission of HIV by 2015. The partnership includes an initial commitment of more than 5 million USD from The Coca-Cola Company over the next four years. This commitment will fund marketing awareness campaigns activated through global Coca-Cola music initiatives and programs. As part of the 5 million USD contribution, a minimum of 3 million USD will be donated directly to The Global Fund to purchase anti-retroviral medicine and distribute literature. This new partnership complements the work The Coca-Cola Company and The Global Fund are already partnering on in Africa. The two organizations are leveraging insights from the Coca-Cola supply chain and route-to-market system to help improve access to critical medicines. The Coca-Cola Company operates in 206 countries and is one of the largest employers in the world. The Coca-Cola system employs nearly 70,000 people in Africa, which is home to more than 60 percent of the worlds HIV-infected population. The Feast Event 16th November 2011, New York The United Nations Office for Partnerships and the Feast organized an intimate event at the United Nations Headquarters on the 16th of November. As a leader in driving innovation for social change, the Feast engages partners on strategic issues and provides a platform for policy dialogue to effectively address global challenges like the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. This special meeting was held to discuss the launch of The Feast Social Innovation Week and opportunities for involvement and leadership in this initiative. In 2012, The Feast will be hosting the first ever Global Social Innovation Week: a multi-day event and city-wide fair across New York City which will showcase the most remarkable innovation for the creation of a more human future. UNOP and The Feast brought together a group of high-level stakeholders from private and public sector to explore potential collaboration. For more information please visit website . Happy Hearts Fund Hosted Land of Dreams: Haiti Gala Event 5 November, 2011, New York The 2011 annual Happy Hearts Fund dinner raised awareness and funds to rebuild schools in post-disaster areas, including Haiti. The event awarded Renee Haugerud with Heart of Gold and the US actor Sean Penn for his lifetime achievement. Happy Hearts Fund is a non-profit foundation dedicated to rebuilding schools and restoring hope and opportunity in the lives of children after natural disasters. HHF concentrates its work during the period of time after emergency response is complete, implementing sustainable practices to ensure a lasting impact and is committed to help accomplish the UNs Millennium Development Goals Happy Hearts Fund Founder and Chairwoman, Petra Nemcova and Executive Director Phillip Caputo thanked their partners for commitment to rebuilding schools and childrens lives after natural disasters crediting the formation of strategic partnerships as the key to the organizations success. In its first five years Happy Hearts Fund has built or rebuilt 56 schools in nine countries benefitting more than 34,000 children and 337,000 community members, stated Mr. Caputo. The goals of the night were to share the beauty, culture, art, spirit and other treasures of Haiti with our guests here in New York so they could see the many great opportunities Haiti has to offer and to raise funds so more children who are being forgotten can have new schools and a brighter future, Ms. Nemcova stated. Haiti Foreign Minister, Laurent Lamothe, delivered a State of Haiti address focused on the Education for All program an education program initiated by President Martelly which aims to send one million children to school for free by the end of his term. The event also featured award winning singers and songwriters Wyclef Jean and Josh Groban. Inter American Development Bank Vice President Julie Katzman announced that IDB has committed 200 million dollars for education initiatives in Haiti and will be rebuilding schools with Happy Hearts Fund through a flexible co-financing partnership. The event mobilized support for building of kindergartens and schools in Mexico, Indonesia, Haiti and Peru. Eleven schools were pledged and the live auction portion of the night raised over one million dollars. The United Nations Office for Partnerships has been collaborating with the Happy Hearts Fund since 2008 to further align Funds initiatives with the work of the United Nations. Dr. Lincoln Chen, UNFIP Advisory Board Member New York, 8 November 2011 On November 8th, Dr. Lincoln Chen has finished his term as the member of the Advisory Board of the United Nations Fund for International Partnerships. The Board, established in 1998, is responsible to provide broad policy guidance to the Secretary-General and monitor operations and activities of UNFIP. The Deputy Secretary-General, Asha-Rose Migiro, who serves as a Chair of the UNFIP Advisory Board, thanked Dr. Chen for his outstanding service and commitment to the principles and ideals of the United Nations. Your expertise in the field of global public health, along with your intimate knowledge of the philanthropic landscape, proved especially valuable to the Boards deliberations, Dr. Migiro wrote. Dr. Chen is President of the China Medical Board of Cambridge, MA. endowed by John D. Rockefeller as an independent foundation that seeks to advance health in China and Asia by strengthening medical education, research, and policies. Prior to this position, Dr. Chen was the founding director of the Harvard Global Equity Initiative, the Taro Takemi Professor of International Health, and Director of the university-wide Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies. Dr. Chen served as Executive Vice-President of the Rockefeller Foundation for five years. He was Chair of the Board of Directors of CAREUSA, one of Americas leading international relief and development organizations. He currently serves as a Board member of the Social Science Research Council, BRAC Foundation USA, the Public Health Foundation of India, the Carso Instituto de la Salud, and the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation. In 2004-2007, he was the Special Envoy of the WHO Director-General in Human Resources for Health, and in 2006, he was elected the first Board Chair of the Global Health Workforce Alliance, a public-private partnership based in Geneva. He graduated from Princeton University, Harvard Medical School, and the Johns Hopkins School of Public Health. He was trained in internal medicine at the Massachusetts General Hospital. What You Wish For, a short story and poetry anthology for youth 17th October, 2011, New York Darfur experts John Prendergast, co-founder of the Enough Project and author of Unlikely Brothers: Our Story of Adventure, Loss, and Redemption Mohamed Yahya, co-founder of Damanga Udo Janz, Director of UNHCRs Executive Office in New York and Grainne OHara, UNHCRs Senior Policy Advisor joined authors at the UNs Dag Hammarskjld Library Auditorium from 3-5 PM in celebration of the launch of What You Wish For, a short story and poetry anthology for youth. What You Wish For is a collection of stories and poems by an all-star group of writers for youth, seven of whom were joined by two writers on Skype. Their collaboration aims to bring libraries to some of the worlds most vulnerable readers, people who fled Darfur and now live in refugee camps in eastern Chad. UNOP helped link the charity that organized What You Wish For, Book Wish Foundation, with the UN agency that manages the refugee camps, UNHCR, so that proceeds from the books sales can have the greatest impact on this cause. Proceeds from the book will support UNHCR in developing libraries in refugee camps in Eastern Chad. Where an estimated 285,000 Sudanese refugees live. Authors spoke about their contributions to this book in a moderated panel discussion and QA. by Leonard Marcus, leading childrens book historian, contributor to the New York Times Book Review, and author of The Annotated Phantom Tollbooth. Complete List of Authors in What You Wish For: Meg Cabot, Jeanne DuPrau, Cornelia Funke, Nikki Giovanni, John Green, Karen Hesse, Ann M. Martin, Alexander McCall Smith, Marilyn Nelson, Naomi Shihab Nye, Joyce Carol Oates, Nate Powell, Sofia Quintero, Gary Soto, R. L. Stine, Francisco X. Stork, Cynthia Voigt, Jane Yolen Foreword by Mia Farrow Statement from UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antnio Guterres. Many in the audience were librarians, teachers, fans, and other readers who are very familiar with the exciting literary panel. For more information on the book and the Book Wish Foundation, Please visit their website. bookwish. org The United Nations Association of New York 2011 Annual UN Day Gala Dinner 13th October, 2011, New York On October 13, 2011, diplomats, business leaders, local dignitaries and other distinguished guests attended the United Nations Association of New York Annual UN Day Gala. The event honored the 2011 Humanitarian of the Year Awards to Winston Chung of Winston Global Energy Sheri S. McCoy of Johnson Johnson and former Supermodel Christy Turlington Burns of Every Mother Counts. Also announced was the Inaugural Social Entrepreneur and Philanthropist of the Year Award. This annual award was initiated to commemorate Secretary-General Ban Ki-moons accomplishments and election to a second term of office. Winston Chung was chosen as the inaugural recipient recognizing his extraordinary commitment to social entrepreneurship through clean energy generation, storage and distribution. Social entrepreneurship and a commitment environmental sustainability have been at the top of the Secretary-Generals global agenda. Sheri S. McCoy, representing Johnson amp Johnson, was honored for the companys longstanding philanthropic commitments and outstanding corporate social responsibility focused on improving the health and wellbeing of women and children. Maternal advocate Christy Turlington Burns is the founder of Every Mother Counts, an advocacy campaign to increase education and support for maternal and child health worldwide. Motivated by her own challenges during childbirth, the former supermodel and now filmmaker, has dedicated her resources to globally helping mothers have healthy childbirth experiences. The United Nations Association of New York is host chapter of the UNA-USA. It is dedicated to supporting the principles and vital work of the United Nations, strengthening the UN system and promoting constructive US leadership. The UNA-NY UN Day Gala is held every October to celebrate the founding of the United Nations For more information please visit UNA website . X prize Foundation Award. Winning Teams Announced in the 1.4 Million Wendy Schmidt Oil Cleanup X CHALLENGE: 11 October 2011 The X PRIZE Foundation, in partnership with the philanthropist Wendy Schmidt have announced the Wendy Schmidt Oil Cleanup X CHALLENGE award. The winning teams were presented with a trophy and prize purse 1 million for ElastecAmerican Marine and 300,000 for NOFI. The 100,000 third place prize purse was not awarded. The teams were honored for their remarkable and historic achievement for cleaning up crude oil on the oceans surface. The Ceremony was attended by governments and business leaders oil industry executives and representatives from the 10 finalist teams. The 1.4 million Wendy Schmidt Oil Cleanup X CHALLENGE is the fourth competition awarded by the X PRIZE Foundation. The award is a competition designed to inspire a new generation of innovative solutions that will speed the pace of cleaning up seawater surface oil resulting from spillage from ocean platforms, tankers, and other sources. Wendy Schmidt is President of The Schmidt Family Foundation that works to advance the development of clean energy and support the wiser use of natural resources. She is founder of the Foundations 11th Hour Project and of Climate Central. Eric and Wendy Schmidt created the Schmidt Ocean Institute in 2009 to provide future opportunities aboard research vessels for urgent ocean studies. For more information, visit. iprizecleanoceans. org. The X PRIZE Foundation is a non-profit organization founded in 1995 that designs and manages public competitions intended to encourage technological development that could benefit mankind. The X PRIZE Foundation mission is to bring about radical breakthroughs for the benefit of humanity through incentives competition. UNOP has collaborated with X-Prize for the past 3 years and organized and co-hosted the conference Incentive to Innovate at UNHQ in June 2009. For further details, Please follow link for press release . Permanent Memorial to honour the victims of slavery and the transatlantic slave trade New York, September 30, 2011 A press conference was held Friday, 30 September 2011, at the UN Dag Hammarskjld Building, to launch the international design competition for the permanent memorial to honour the victims of slavery and the transatlantic slave trade. The press conference was moderated by Ambassador R. Evadne Coye, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade of Jamaica. Main speakers included: Ambassador Tete Antonio, African Union Ambassador Joseph Goddard, Chair of CARICOM Ambassador Raymond Wolfe, Chair of the Permanent Memorial Committee and Mr. Philippe Kridelka, Director of UNESCOs New York office. The UN Office for Partnerships, which administers the trust fund, was represented by Mr. Kris Krishnan, Chief of Operations, UNOP. For more information, and to watch the press conference, please follow link The Permanent Memorial competition is an Open International Design Competition to be conducted in two stages. We encourage interested artists, sculptors, architects, graphic designers and other visual media experts to submit design proposals to UNESCO Headquarters in Paris no later than 19 December 2011. For more details please visit the Permanent Memorial website. The Africa investor (Ai) CEO Institutional Investment Summit New York, 26 September 2011 Africa investor, in collaboration with the UN Office for Partnerships, hosts the 2011 Africa investor Index Series Summit to profile African capital market success stories. The Summit will bring together decision makers from stock markets, listed companies, fund managers, stockbrokers and analysts in Africa, and others who have an interest and follow the performance of African equities. The event will feature the Africa investorUnited Nations African Heads of State Investment Dialogue and Networking Luncheon. Following the Summit, Africa investor (Ai) will also host the prestigious Ai Index Series Awards, which are designed to recognize Africas best performing stock exchanges, listed companies, investment banks, research teams, regulators, socially responsible companies and fund managers. It is a unique African Capital Markets Event. The winners of the 2011 Africa investor Index Series Awards will be announced at the gala ceremony. To celebrate the occasion, African capital market leaders will ring the NYSE Closing Bell. Africa investor is a specialist investment communications firm advising governments, international organisations and businesses on communication strategies for capital market and foreign direct investments in Africa. a leading international investment research and communications group. For further details, please follow link to the press release: website. Global Corporate Citizenship Conference: Adding Value in Emerging Markets and Local Communities Washington, 5-6 October 2011 The US Chamber of Commerce Business Civic Leadership Center (BCLC) will host the 2011 Global Corporate Citizenship Conference: Adding Value in Emerging Markets and Local Communities in Washington DC on October 5 6. Through interviews, plenary discussions, active audience participation, best practice models, and TED-style conversations, this unique two-day event brings together chief executives, policy makers, leaders and academics to seek solutions to current economic challenges. The agenda includes President of the Republic of Haiti Michel Martelly as the keynote speaker, along with representatives of USAID, UN Habitat, Walmart, Dow Chemical, Microsoft, DSM, Goldman Sachs, and Western Union. For the past three years, UNOP has worked in close collaboration with BCLC to further promote partnerships and foster innovative strategies for engaging the private sector in supporting the Millennium Development Goals. As a partnership facilitator, BCLC helps businesses find highly effective ways to invest in local communities, be responsive in times of disasters, and improve lives and livelihoods across the globe. To obtain more information about the forum and register, please click on Website. The UN Foundation Unveils ShotLife Campaign 19 September 2011 The United Nations Foundation today revealed ShotLife, a new campaign to expand access to lifesaving vaccines for children in developing countries. A national grassroots movement, ShotLife will educate, connect, and empower Americans to champion vaccines as one of the most cost-effective ways to save childrens lives around the world. The ShotLife campaign will support the work of the United Nations and other partners to provide vaccines to children in developing countries. Together with the Bill Melinda Gates Foundation, UNICEF, the GAVI Alliance, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Red Cross, Lions Clubs International, and ABC News, ShotLife will work to save lives and improve the health of millions of children. The campaign will build a grassroots constituency to advocate for and donate to expanding access to childhood vaccines in developing countries, where many children die due to the lack of lifesaving immunizations. For only 20, a child can receive lifelong protection against measles, pneumonia, diarrhea, and polio. When children are immunized, they are more likely to celebrate their fifth birthday, do well in school, and go on to be productive, healthy adults. The UN Foundation is an advocate for the United Nations and a platform for connecting people, ideas and resources to help the United Nations solve global problems. UNOP works with the UN Foundation to support its role in funding projects of the UN. For further details, please follow link to the press release: website. Sixth Annual Blouin Creative Leadership Summit 19-20 September 2011 The United Nations Office for Partnerships, in partnership with the Louise Blouin Foundation (LBF), is pleased to announce the sixth annual Blouin Creative Leadership Summit (BCLS), a forum that engages in dialogue and exchanges best practices to successfully confront the local and global challenges and opportunities brought about by globalization over the coming decade. From September 19 20, 2011, approximately 100 international heads of state, government executives, global business and financial CEOs, entrepreneurs, technology innovators, scholars, cultural influencers, artists and thought-leaders will assemble in New York to address critical issues of the 21st century surrounding economic recovery, global governance, environmental reform, foreign policy, education, health, poverty and development, cultural exchange and technology. Roland Rich, Officer-in-Charge for the United Nations Office for Partnerships comments, We are delighted to partner again with the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit. As in previous years, this years summit promises to be an exciting and inspirational event that will lead to innovative ways to work together to achieve the United Nations Millennium Development Goals. The 2011 panel discussions will include popular annual topics surrounding digital innovation and security, emerging markets and culture beyond borders. The Louise Blouin Foundation will also host the Louise Blouin Foundation Awards Ceremony and Gala on the evening of September 19, 2011. As a celebration dedicated to honoring leaders in politics, science, business and the arts who have made extraordinary contributions on a global level, the Foundation will honor artists Ilya and Emilia Kabakov, Nobel Laureate Sir Edmund Phelps and businessman Carlos Slim The Blouin Creative Leadership Summit has been developed with the support and expertise of the United Nations Office for Partnerships. The United Nations Office for Partnerships promotes new alliances and partnerships worldwide. Working with companies, foundations and civil society organizations, the United Nations Office for Partnerships leverages their management skills, technology, and innovative delivery systems to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. It engages partners on strategic issues and provides a platform for policy dialogue to effectively address global challenges. For more information about the forum, please visit creativeleadershipsummit. org or contact Annette Richardson at 212 963 1000 or via email partnerun. org Social Innovation Summit 2011 New York, 6 June 2011 The United Nations Office of Partnerships and Landmark Ventures co-hosted the Social Innovation Summit 2011 held Monday June 6th at the United Nations Headquarters. The Summit brought together a unique network of global Fortune 500 business, investment, foundation, and community leaders. Landmark Ventures, a leading strategic and financial advisory firm, is focused on closing the gaps that have been identified through the United Nations Millennium Development Goals. The Summit explored several key themes including: innovative and sustainable corporate engagement practices to have real impact and go beyond traditional corporate social responsibility creating socially responsible technology enterprises building the business case for social innovation, straight from the CEO. Speakers included such notable figures as Arianna Huffington, Nicholas Negroponte, Barbara Bush, Jeffrey Schwartz, and Abigail Disney. The multidisciplinary exchange allowed delegates to present and discuss innovative solutions to global challenges of poverty, conflict and economic instability. 2011 Forum Investing in Women and Entrepreneurshipquot New York, March 8, 2011 On March 8th, United Nations Office for Partnerships and the Business Civic Leadership Center of the US Chamber of Commerce hosted the 2011 Forum on Investing in Women and Entrepreneurship: Solutions to Addressing MDG 3, that was held at the United Nations Headquarters in New York. This high-profile Forum, marking the 100th anniversary of International Womens Day, brought together participants from corporate foundations, emerging market investment areas, corporate citizenship sectors, as well as senior UN officials, and their partners, enabling to launch a discussion on lessons learned and the role of strategic partnerships in address to the Millennium Development Goals. The Forum also provided an inter-active platform for UN top officials and business leaders to share and announce actions taken towards increasing Womens Empowerment, as well as gave an opportunity to interested companies to connect with UN Agencies and NGOs working towards achieving the MDG 3: Promoting Gender Equality and Empower Women. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon delivered the Opening Remarks drawing special attention to the importance of providing business opportunities for investment in women. His inspiring speech was followed with remarks by Geena Davis, Academy Award Winner, Philanthropist and the Founder of Geena Davis Institute of Gender in Media, that set the tone for a great discussion. Continuing to address the issue of Womens Empowerment, leaders from the private sector and civil society spoke at the plenary sessions, devoted to Increasing leadership and access to training at the workplace, Creating ripe environments for women to run small and medium sized businesses and Decreasing gender disparity in primary and secondary education. Highlights of the discussion included a keynote speech by UN Development Program Administrator Helen Clark and inspiring remarks from Dermalogica Founder Jane Wurwand about her new campaign FITE Financial Independence Through Entrepreneurship that is aimed to help women entrepreneurs worldwide grow their business and improve their communities. Deputy Secretary-General Asha-Rose Migiro closed the Forum, summarizing the results gained and the major challenges to face the area of Womens Empowerment. Please follow link for the DSGs speech . For more information pls. contact Lucie Brigham at Email: brighamun. org To learn more about the event please visit the BCLC website. A watchdog for womens participation in Egypt New York, February 11, 2011 Ensuring womens participation will be key to building a democratic and well-governed Egypt. Although women were granted full political rights more than 50 years ago, they have not achieved equal access to decision-making positions and their formal political participation has remained low at all political levels. An initiative funded by the UN Democracy Fund aims to strengthen womens participation, including in the elections later this year. The project, implemented by the Egyptian Center For Womens Rights, has established a watchdog to monitor womens political and institutional access, while training women leaders to effectively take part in electoral campaigns. For more information, visit the UNDEF web-site: link Share the Story a United Nations Volunteers campaign New York, December 4, 2010 This year, United Nations Volunteers (UNV) launched a campaign Share the Story to commemorate the International Volunteer Day (IVD). UNV approached this project in a creative and innovative way, using social media to engage in a global online conversation focused on how volunteering contributes to meeting the Millennium Development Goals.. Close to 12,000 people contributed to the success of an online film festival to celebrate International Volunteer Day over the weekend. The festival, hosted on the United Nations Volunteers facebook page, started on Saturday, 4 December with a story about volunteer civic educators working to empower women in Fiji. From Fiji, the festival started a 24-hour journey around the world, stopping in 12 times zones along the way to see how volunteer action is helping to make the Millennium Development Goals a reality. Every two hours the festival moved to a new time zone. During the event, almost 12,000 people offered opinions, exchanged ideas, watched the films, or read the posts. UN Secretary-General BAN Ki-moon emphasized the importance of this campaign, stating that online volunteering connects people around the globe and provides them with opportunities to contribute to development and the work of the United Nations. Online volunteering has great potential and I encourage all partners to explore what more can be done to harness the power of the Internet this way. The United Nations Volunteers program is the UN organization that contributes to peace and development through volunteerism worldwide. UNV advocates for recognition of volunteers, works with partners to integrate volunteerism into development programming, and mobilizes an increasing number and diversity of volunteers, including experienced UNV volunteers, throughout the world. The UN Office for Partnerships has worked with the UN Volunteers Office in New York to advise and support them on the public-private partnerships building activities. For more information, visit the UNV web-site: unv. org Your World, Your Future: Voices of a New Generation Call for Worldwide Submissions by Young People Deadline is December 14, 2010 As part of its December Presidency of the UN Security Council, the United States will host an innovative event to bring the voices of youth directly to the Council. Young people, representing nearly 50 percent of the worlds population, have a major stake in the key decisions on global peace and security made every day at the Security Council. It is time for their voices to be heard. On December 21, the United States will chair an important Security Council Event entitled Your World, Your Future: Voices of a New Generation that will bring the 15 members of the Council together to debate three top ideas submitted by young people. From now until December 14, the U. S. Mission to the UN will be accepting submissions for consideration. The question being asked is: What is the most vital challenge to international peace and security facing your generation Tell the UN Security Council what issue you believe deserves more attention, and explain why it is important. Anyone 21 or under from anywhere in the world can submit their answer to that question in a one minute video, or in written form, in 250 words or less. The three most compelling submissions will become the topics of debate among Security Council members at an event that will be broadcast live at un. orgwebcast directly from the Security Council Chamber at UN Headquarters in New York. The challenges we face as a global community have never been tougher, and the youth of the world have an important perspective to share. Now is your chance to be heard. Please participate by sending your best ideas. Complete instructions as well as terms and conditions of participation are available at. usun. state. govyouth Ted Turner in NY to discuss UNFs work New York, December 01, 2010 Ted Turner, whose one billion dollar gift established the UN Foundation in 1998, was in New York recently to discuss the work of the Foundation. Roland Rich, Officer-in-Charge of UNOP met with Mr Turner and his leadership team, UNF President Tim Wirth, UNF CEO Kathy Calvin and UNF Chief of Staff Rick Parnell to discuss UNFs forward program. As in previous years, UNF will be guided by the Secretary-Generals commitment to achieving the Millennium Development Goals and will focus particular attention on MDG 3 (Promote gender equality and empower women), MDG 6 (Combat HIVAIDS, malaria and other diseases) and MDG 7 (Ensure environmental sustainability). New report highlights business strategies for achieving the MDGs 26 October 2010 Following last months world leaders anti-poverty summit that called on the private sector to accelerate progress towards the Millennium Development Goals (MDGS), the Business Call to Action and eight other leading business organizations today launched a report geared towards helping businesses join the fight against poverty. The report, Delivering Results: Moving Towards Scale, highlights the best practices, lessons learnt and challenges that companies face when developing inclusive business models. The report is the result of a half-day forum at the United Nations MDG Summit in New York on September 21, 2010, which brought together more than 200 leaders from companies, governments, international organizations, aid agencies, and NGOs from around the globe. The report identifies eight main focus areas that will prove essential in advancing the future development of Inclusive Business, including the need for experimentation and room to innovate the imperative for understanding low-income consumers the necessity for collaboration the importance of the right government policies and regulations to incentivize companies to further invest the need for practical tools and resources to support inclusive business development the importance of leadership the necessity for striking a balance between short and long-term business goals, and overcoming infrastructure challenges through innovative partnerships. The report also provides concrete examples of how businesses worldwide are a catalyst for social and economic progress including The Coca-Cola Companys efforts to enable jobs, entrepreneurship and opportunities for women through its innovative micro-distribution network across Africa while growing its business. Another example includes Diageos commitment to promoting the development of local sorghum supply chains in Cameroon and securing its own access to a supply of quality grain by investing in farmers. The report is a joint effort between the by Business Action for Africa, Business Call to Action, International Business Leaders Forum, International Chamber of Commerce, United Nations Development Programme, The Global Compact, United Nations Office for Partnerships, the World Business Council for Sustainable Development, and the Harvard Kennedy School of Governments Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative. Reports are available for download on: website. New Leadership for United Nations Office for Partnerships New York, October 14 2010 The United Nations Office for Partnerships (UNOP) is pleased to announce the appointment of Mr Roland Rich as its Officer-in-Charge. This follows the retirement on 30 September of the highly respected former Executive Director of the Office, Mr Amir Dossal. UNOP serves as a gateway for non-state actors to enter into partnership opportunities with the UN family. Mr Rich is also concurrently the Executive Head of the United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF), a position he has held for the past three years. UNDEF is a United Nations General Trust Fund, with the primary purpose of supporting democratization around the world by funding projects that strengthen the voice of civil society, promote human rights, and encourage the participation of all groups in democratic processes. Mr. Rich, an Australian national, brings to the job over 30 years of experience as a diplomat, a scholar and a democracy promotion practitioner. Prior to his appointment to UNDEF, Mr. Rich was at the Centre for Defence and Strategic Studies of the Australian Defence College, teaching and mentoring colonel-level officers undertaking a masters degree in international relations. In 2005, Mr. Rich was a research Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington DC. Between 1998 and 2005, Mr. Rich was the Director of the Centre for Democratic Institutions at the Australian National University which is Australias democracy promotion institute undertaking projects in the Asia-Pacific region. Mr. Rich joined the Australian foreign service in 1975 and had postings in Paris, Rangoon, Manila and, from 1994-1997, as Australian Ambassador to Laos. He has also served as Legal Advisor and Assistant Secretary for International Organisations in the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Mr. Rich has also contributed to the scholarly literature on democracy and democracy promotion. In 2004, together with Edward Newman, he edited a publication entitled The UN Role in Promoting Democracy published by United Nations University Press which examined the areas of comparative advantage the UN had in this field. His most recent publication, in 2007, is Pacific Asia in Quest of Democracy published by Lynne Rienner Publishers which surveys the current state of democratic consolidation among the countries along Asias Pacific Rim. GCC Countries Pledge to Enhance Accountability and Transparency Standards Over the Next Three Years As part of its launch at the United Nations last week, the Pearl Initiative, a private sector-led program in cooperation with the United Nations Office for Partnerships aimed at improving corporate governance, accountability, and smart CSR practices in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), joined the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit through the participation of Badr Jafar, Executive Director of the Crescent Petroleum Group, and co-founder of the Pearl Initiative. This platform heralds a new era of cooperation between companies, NGOs, international organizations and governments in confronting and tackling todays issues. Both the Pearl Initiative and the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit aim to address the opportunities and challenges of globalization and to contribute positively to the UNs Millennium Development Goals During the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit, Mr. Jafar said, This summit has been an excellent opportunity to bring together some of the worlds most creative thinkers, from the private and public sectors including heads of state from over ten countries and from different industries across the globe. On the Pearl Initiative itself, he was equally enthused. Building and maintaining a culture of transparency, accountability and social responsibility in the Gulf region is one of the most important aspects in developing the region and improving business confidence. Now in its fifth year, the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit has rapidly gained international recognition as a leading think-tank addressing the most pressing social and economic questions of today. Louise Blouin, Founder and CEO of Louise Blouin Media, a global media company focused on the promotion of the arts, culture and luxury, founded the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit to bring together delegates to discuss the critical threats and opportunities presented by globalization at the local and global levels. On the occasion of Mr. Jafars participation at the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit, Louise Blouin said, We are honored to have Badr Jafar join us at the Summit and launch the important Pearl Initiative. The Summit is founded on the precept that in order for us to resolve the pressing issues of today, we must first understand cultural traditions from across the globe, while embracing the power of cultural diplomacy. The Summit was founded in order that world leaders from diverse disciplines could come together to discuss, debate and take action on issues that effect us all across borders and cultures. As such, we welcome Mr. Jafars essential contribution and the Pearl Initiative. In partnership with the United Nations Office for Partnerships, the Pearl Initiative was launched on September 20 at the UN headquarters in New York. Over 100 business and government sector leaders gathered to show their commitment to furthering business progress in the six countries which comprise the GCC a regional organization committed to furthering scientific progress, regulations, cross-cultural exchange and cross-border trade between the six countries and the rest of the world, to the standards of international best practice. These values of social responsibility and transparency must be encouraged, which is why, according to Mr. Jafar, there is synergy between the Pearl Initiative and the Blouin Creative Leadership Summit. Partnerships are essential when addressing issues that affect us all, and through these types of partnerships we can work to encourage social responsibility and institute good governance structures, and plan to report next year at the Summit on the important strides the Initiative has been able to take. For more information on the Pearl Initiative please visit their website at pearlinitiative. org. Bilateral Donors Statement in support of Private Sector Partnerships for Development 22 September 2010 On September 22nd, eleven nations released at the United Nations a joint Bilateral Donors Statement in Support of Private Sector Partnerships for Development. Read into the UN record by Lars Lkke Rasmussen, Prime Minister of Denmark, this ground breaking statement recognizes the tremendous impact that private sector actors have on development and commits the donors to working together to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In the ten years since the MDGs were established, the international community has made great strides in developing partnerships with business and we come together renew and give greater meaning to our commitment. The donors agreed to proactively enter into partnerships with local and international companies to achieve the MDGs by 2015. A nascent bilateral working group of the eleven nations on private sector partnerships is already in place. This group will enable the participants to share knowledge, identify opportunities and to begin to develop international cooperation on private sector partnerships. UNOP welcomes this leadership statement by key representatives of the bilateral donor community recognizing the private sector as the primary engine of economic growth and development and commitment to working with the UN and wider international community in advancing sustainable business models and markets. United Nations Private Sector Forum New York, September 22, 2010 On September 22, the UN Private Sector Forum on the Millennium Development Goals was held at the UN Headquarters in the General Assembly building. The event, Chaired by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, brought together Heads of State and Government with chief executives of global business, civil society leaders and the heads of UN Agencies, discussed ways in which private sector actors can take concrete action to help close the MDG implementation gap. The Forum also provided a platform for business leaders to share and announce actions taken towards the achievement of the MDGs, communicate recommendations to Governments and highlight ways in which Government can help to facilitate business engagement for development. The events opening featured remarks from Secretary General Ban-Ki Moon H. E. Abdoulaye Wade, President of Senegal H. E. Lars Lokke Rasmussen, Prime Minister of Denmark and Sir Richard Branson, Founder and Chairman of The Virgin Group. Several keynote speakers, ranging from MDG advocates, specialists and advisers, followed up on these remarks, emphasizing the need for innovative efforts from the private sector to achieve the MDGs by 2015. In keeping with those efforts, leaders from the private sector and civil society participated in roundtable discussions, during which several commitments to take action on the MDGs were announced. The roundtables identified six proven, MDG-related areas in which private sector engagement would be successful: Poverty and Hunger Maternal and Child Health and HIVAIDS Access to Education through Innovative ICT Innovations for Financial Inclusion Empowering Women and Achieving Equality and Green Economy. Highlights of the roundtable discussions include the announcement of commitments from global business leaders and civil society organizations to take action in the six identified areas. Commitments ranged from Dell Inc. s efforts to improve the quality of teaching and learning activities through the advancement of efficient, low-cost notebooks and devices to the efforts of, UNOP colleague and Founder of the Cherie Blair Foundation for Women, Cherie Blair, to work towards the empowerment and inclusion of women around the globe through public-private initiatives and internal policy reform. To learn more about the 2010 Private Sector Forum and the commitments announced at the event please find this link. The Blouin Creative Leadership Summit New York, September 22-24, 2010 The Louise Blouin Foundation (LBF) and the United Nations Office for Partnerships (UNOP) are hosting the fifth annual Blouin Creative Leadership Summit (BCLS) from 22-24 September at the Metropolitan Club in New York City. LBF is an international non-profit organization which was founded in 2005 with the aim to encourage a better understanding of foreign affairs and culture across borders through international cooperation, exchange and dialogue in the 21st century. The annual Blouin Creative Leadership Summit provides a valuable platform for Heads of state, Noble Prize recipients, and private sector leaders to address the challenges and opportunities of globalization, including education, health, and poverty. The Summit brings together 120 leading figures in the areas of science, technology, culture, business, and politics including H. E. Urmas Paet, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Estonia H. E. Pal Schmitt, President, Republic of Hungary Chris Hughes, Co-founder of Facebook Mr. Mathew Bishop, Chief U. S. Editor, The Economist Jagdish Bhawati, Professor of Political Economy, Columbia University and Badr Jafar, CEO, Crescent Petroleum. For further information on the Summit please visit the BCLS website. Launch of the Pearl Initiative New York, September 20, 2010 On September 20, 2010 close to 100 business leaders and policy makers gathered at the United Nations to introduce the Pearl Initiative, a private sector-led program aimed at improving corporate governance, accountability, and smart CSR practices of business activities across the six countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The gathering was hosted at the UN and organized under the auspices of the United Nations Office for Partnerships, the Crescent Group of the United Arab Emirates, and the American University of Sharjah. During lunch, participants exchanged views on the linkages between a transparent business environment and sustainable economic growth with the audience that included Naqvi Arif, Vice Chairman and CEO, Abraaj Capital Niels Christiansen, Head of Public Affairs, Nestle S. A. Robert Dunn, President and CEO, Synergos Institute Jim Geisel, Director, KPMG Global Grants Program UN Desk Raji Hattar, Chief Sustainability and Compliance Officer, Aramex Prof. Safwan M. Masri, Director, Columbia University Middle East Research Center, Charles Moore, Executive Director, Committee to Encourage Corporate Philanthropy, and other prominent leaders from public and private sectors and civil society. Badr Jafar, Executive Director of the Crescent Group and co-founder of the Pearl Initiative outlined the Pearl Initiatives main areas of focus and remarked, The Pearl Initiative will enable and encourage private sector companies of the Gulf region, such as the Crescent Group, to work with the United Nations system and other global strategic partners, in achieving greater awareness with regard to accountability and transparency with their respective stakeholders as well as converting their CSR commitments into action through these innovative partnerships. To learn more please read Badr Jafars full speech. For more information on the Pearl Initiative please visit their website at pearlinitiative. org. The arrival of the Granite Foundation Stones for the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Four Freedoms Park New York, September 13, 2010 On September 13, Governor David Paterson and New Yorks Mayor Michael Bloomberg celebrated the arrival of the Granite Foundation Stones for the Franklin D. Roosevelt Four Freedoms Park. The creation and design of the Park was the last work of the American architect Louis I. Kahn, widely considered to be one of the masters of 20th century pantheon architecture. Although Mr. Kahn died before he could ever see the project being built, his visionary concept now at long last shall be posthumously finished. Amir Dossal, Executive Director of the United Nations Office for Partnerships and distinguished guest of the exercises, stressed in a dialog with Mayor Michael Bloomberg the lifework of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the importance of commemorating it with a memorial. Among other achievements when FDR was in office the United Nations were founded in 1942 and influenced the establishment of the Universal Declarations of Human Rights. Amir Dossal noted that the Four Freedoms freedom of speech and expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want and freedom from fear are in a way more prevailing than ever. The Park which is situated in the south of Roosevelt Island right in the middle of the East River, offers a terrific view of Manhattan and Queens including a stunning impression of the United Nations Headquarters from the riverside. The south side of the park is lined with two alleys of 144 Linden trees that will be bordered with granite parapets showing 144 engraved milestones of Franklin D. Roosevelts life and times as an outstanding, extraordinary American President. The highlight of the architectural ensemble is the structure named the Room, a squared plaza at the tip of the triangular shaped Park. It is open to the south and framed by granite columns carved with excerpts of Roosevelts For Freedoms speech. For additional information and to learn more about the Franklin D. Roosevelt Four Freedoms Park please visit their website at fdrfourfreedomspark. org For sponsorship please contact Ambassador William vanden Heuvel at 212.339.2579 Buddhist and Jewish Inter-cultural Discussion New York, September 13, 2010 On September 13th, an inter-cultural discussion community gathering on shared culture of kindness and tolerance took place at the Jewish Childrens Museum. The Jewish Childrens Museum is a place for children and parents to explore Jewish culture, values history, holidays and contemporary life through hands-on exhibits and multi-media technology. UNOP is glad to support this event which brought together leaders from the Sri Lankan Buddhist and Jewish communities, and representatives to the United Nations for a dialogue on a shared culture of peace and understanding. The discussion is an imperative step toward achieving Millenium Development Goals, by way of resolving peaceful inter-cultural and international relations within and beyond borders. International Literacy Day: An Essential Foundation for Development 8 September 2010, New York On the occasion of the International Literacy Day 2010, the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the UN Development Programme (UNDP), the UN Office for Partnerships (UNOP), in association with Global Wheel Houz, hosted a symposium to discuss the importance of literacy for sustainable development. The cornerstones of this event, which was moderated by Mr. Byron Pitts, CBS correspondent, were two panel discussions which addressed the use of literacy as a tool for empowering the poor and accelerating progress towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) through creative partnerships. Ms. Laura Bush, Honorary Ambassador for the UN Literacy Decade spoke on the impact of womens empowerment through education. She stated that literacy was most fundamental for education, and that educated women were invaluable to societies. Ms. Irina Bokova, Director-General, UNESCO, acknowledged the multiple benefits of literacy that empowerment of women would delay the age of marriage, improve maternal health, and eradicate child mortality. Further panellists included Mr. Olaf Kjorven, Assistant Administrator (UNDP), Ms. Phillis Magrab, Georgetown University, Ms. Irene Pritzker, President, IDP Foundation, Ms. Mary Gordon, FounderPresident, Roots of Empathy, Mr. Brian Reich, Managing Director, Little m Media, Ms. Mmantsetsa Marope, Director for Basic Education (UNESCO), HE Mr. Raff Bukun-Olu Wole Onemola, Ambassador to UN, Nigeria, Mr. Gary Knell, President and CEO, Sesame Workshop, Mr. John Bell, Managing Director of Ogilvys 360 Digital Influence. Amir A. Dossal, Executive Director (UNOP), who opened the second panel, encouraged the panellists and audience to think outside the box, and he focused on finding ways to engage young people and adults in literacy. He emphasized the importance of partnerships in furthering this agenda. The event also marks the Five Years Counting Youth Engagement Fundraising Campaign, a campaign intended to spur collaboration amongst the youth, the private sector, and high-profile individuals in support of the eight MDGs. For more information on the Wheelhouz Campaign please visit their website. THE PORT HURON STATEMENT OF THE STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY Introductory Note: This document represents the results of several months of writing and discussion among the membership, a draft paper, and revision by the Students for a Democratic Society national convention meeting in cf2 Port Huroncf0. Michigan, June 11-15, 1962. It is represented as a document with which SDS officially identifies, but also as a living document open to change with our times and experiences. It is a beginning: in our own debate and education, in our dialogue with society. published and distributed by Students for a Democratic Society 112 East 19 Street New York 3, New York GRamercy 3-2181 INTRODUCTION: AGENDA FOR A GENERATION We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit. When we were kids the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world: the only one with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations that we thought would distribute Western influence throughout the world. Freedom and equality for each individual, government of, by, and for the people -- these American values we found good, principles by which we could live as men. Many of us began maturing in complacency. As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss. First, the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by the Southern struggle against racial bigotry, compelled most of us from silence to activism. Second, the enclosing fact of the Cold War, symbolized by the presence of the Bomb, brought awareness that we ourselves, and our friends, and millions of abstract others we knew more directly because of our common peril, might die at any time. We might deliberately ignore, or avoid, or fail to feel all other human problems, but not these two, for these were too immediate and crushing in their impact, too challenging in the demand that we as individuals take the responsibility for encounter and resolution. While these and other problems either directly oppressed us or rankled our consciences and became our own subjective concerns, we began to see complicated and disturbing paradoxes in our surrounding America. The declaration all men are created equal. rang hollow before the facts of Negro life in the South and the big cities of the North. The proclaimed peaceful intentions of the United States contradicted its economic and military investments in the Cold War status quo. We witnessed, and continue to witness, other paradoxes. With nuclear energy whole cities can easily be powered, yet the dominant nationstates seem more likely to unleash destruction greater than that incurred in all wars of human history. Although our own technology is destroying old and creating new forms of social organization, men still tolerate meaningless work and idleness. While two-thirds of mankind suffers undernourishment, our own upper classes revel amidst superfluous abundance. Although world population is expected to double in forty years, the nations still tolerate anarchy as a major principle of international conduct and uncontrolled exploitation governs the sapping of the earths physical resources. Although mankind desperately needs revolutionary leadership, America rests in national stalemate, its goals ambiguous and tradition-bound instead of informed and clear, its democratic system apathetic and manipulated rather than of, by, and for the people. Not only did tarnish appear on our image of American virtue, not only did disillusion occur when the hypocrisy of American ideals was discovered, but we began to sense that what we had originally seen as the American Golden Age was actually the decline of an era. The worldwide outbreak of revolution against colonialism and imperialism, the entrenchment of totalitarian states, the menace of war, overpopulation, international disorder, supertechnology -- these trends were testing the tenacity of our own commitment to democracy and freedom and our abilities to visualize their application to a world in upheaval. Our work is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living. But we are a minority -- the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally-functional parts. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency, yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. Beneath the reassuring tones of the politicians, beneath the common opinion that America will muddle through, beneath the stagnation of those who have closed their minds to the future, is the pervading feeling that there simply are no alternatives, that our times have witnessed the exhaustion not only of Utopias, but of any new departures as well. Feeling the press of complexity upon the emptiness of life, people are fearful of the thought that at any moment things might thrust out of control. They fear change itself, since change might smash whatever invisible framework seems to hold back chaos for them now. For most Americans, all crusades are suspect, threatening. The fact that each individual sees apathy in his fellows perpetuates the common reluctance to organize for change. The dominant institutions are complex enough to blunt the minds of their potential critics, and entrenched enough to swiftly dissipate or entirely repel the energies of protest and reform, thus limiting human expectancies. Then, too, we are a materially improved society, and by our own improvements we seem to have weakened the case for further change. Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity -- but might it not better be called a glaze above deeplyfelt anxieties about their role in the new world And if these anxieties produce a developed indifference to human affairs, do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present, that something can be done to change circumstances in the school, the workplaces, the bureaucracies, the government It is to this latter yearning, at once the spark and engine of change, that we direct our present appeal. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present, and a commitment to social experimentation with them, is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise, one which moves us and, we hope, others today. On such a basis do we offer this document of our convictions and analysis: as an effort in understanding and changing the conditions of humanity in the late twentieth century, an effort rooted in the ancient, still unfulfilled conception of man attaining determining influence over his circumstances of life. Making values explicit -- an initial task in establishing alternatives - is an activity that has been devalued and corrupted. The conventional moral terms of the age, the politician moralities -- free world, peoples democracies -- reflect realities poorly, if at all, and seem to function more as ruling myths than as descriptive principles. But neither has our experience in the universities brought as moral enlightenment. Our professors and administrators sacrifice controversy to public relations their curriculums change more slowly than the living events of the world their skills and silence are purchased by investors in the arms race passion is called unscholastic. The questions we might want raised -- what is really important can we live in a different and better way if we wanted to change society, how would we do it -- are not thought to be questions of a fruitful, empirical nature, and thus are brushed aside. Unlike youth in other countries we are used to moral leadership being exercised and moral dimensions being clarified by our elders. But today, for us, not even the liberal and socialist preachments of the past seem adequate to the forms of the present. Consider the old slogans Capitalism Cannot Reform Itself, United Front Against Fascism, General Strike, All Out on May Day. Or, more recently, No Cooperation with Commies and Fellow Travellers, Ideologies Are Exhausted, Bipartisanship, No Utopias. These are incomplete, and there are few new prophets. It has been said that our liberal and socialist predecessors were plagued by vision without program, while our own generation is plagued by program without vision. All around us there is astute grasp of method, technique -- the committee, the ad hoc group, the lobbyist, that hard and soft sell, the make, the projected image -- but, if pressed critically, such expertise is incompetent to explain its implicit ideals. It is highly fashionable to identify oneself by old categories, or by naming a respected political figure, or by explaining how we would vote on various issues. Theoretic chaos has replaced the idealistic thinking of old -- and, unable to reconstitute theoretic order, men have condemned idealism itself. Doubt has replaced hopefulness -- and men act out a defeatism that is labeled realistic. The decline of utopia and hope is in fact one of the defining features of social life today. The reasons are various: the dreams of the older left were perverted by Stalinism and never recreated the congressional stalemate makes men narrow their view of the possible the specialization of human activity leaves little room for sweeping thought the horrors of the twentieth century, symbolized in the gas-ovens and concentration camps and atom bombs, have blasted hopefulness. To be idealistic is to be considered apocalyptic, deluded. To have no serious aspirations, on the contrary, is to be toughminded. In suggesting social goals and values, therefore, we are aware of entering a sphere of some disrepute. Perhaps matured by the past, we have no sure formulas, no closed theories -- but that does not mean values are beyond discussion and tentative determination. A first task of any social movement is to convenience people that the search for orienting theories and the creation of human values is complex but worthwhile. We are aware that to avoid platitudes we must analyze the concrete conditions of social order. But to direct such an analysis we must use the guideposts of basic principles. Our own social values involve conceptions of human beings, human relationships, and social systems. We regard men as infinitely precious and possessed of unfulfilled capacities for reason, freedom, and love. In affirming these principles we are aware of countering perhaps the dominant conceptions of man in the twentieth century: that he is a thing to be manipulated, and that he is inherently incapable of directing his own affairs. We oppose the depersonalization that reduces human beings to the status of things -- if anything, the brutalities of the twentieth century teach that means and ends are intimately related, that vague appeals to posterity cannot justify the mutilations of the present. We oppose, too, the doctrine of human incompetence because it rests essentially on the modern fact that men have been competently manipulated into incompetence -- we see little reason why men cannot meet with increasing skill the complexities and responsibilities of their situation, if society is organized not for minority, but for majority, participation in decision-making. Men have unrealized potential for self-cultivation, self-direction, self-understanding, and creativity. It is this potential that we regard as crucial and to which we appeal, not to the human potentiality for violence, unreason, and submission to authority. The goal of man and society should be human independence: a concern not with image of popularity but with finding a meaning in life that is personally authentic: a quality of mind not compulsively driven by a sense of powerlessness, nor one which unthinkingly adopts status values, nor one which represses all threats to its habits, but one which has full, spontaneous access to present and past experiences, one which easily unites the fragmented parts of personal history, one which openly faces problems which are troubling and unresolved: one with an intuitive awareness of possibilities, an active sense of curiosity, an ability and willingness to learn. This kind of independence does not mean egoistic individualism -- the object is not to have ones way so much as it is to have a way that is ones own. Nor do we deify man -- we merely have faith in his potential. Human relationships should involve fraternity and honesty. Human interdependence is contemporary fact human brotherhood must be willed however, as a condition of future survival and as the most appropriate form of social relations. Personal links between man and man are needed, especially to go beyond the partial and fragmentary bonds of function that bind men only as worker to worker, employer to employee, teacher to student, American to Russian. Loneliness, estrangement, isolation describe the vast distance between man and man today. These dominant tendencies cannot be overcome by better personnel management, nor by improved gadgets, but only when a love of man overcomes the idolatrous worship of things by man. As the individualism we affirm is not egoism, the selflessness we affirm is not self-elimination. On the contrary, we believe in generosity of a kind that imprints ones unique individual qualities in the relation to other men, and to all human activity. Further, to dislike isolation is not to favor the abolition of privacy the latter differs from isolation in that it occurs or is abolished according to individual will. Finally, we would replace power and personal uniqueness rooted in possession, privilege, or circumstance by power and uniqueness rooted in love, reflectiveness, reason, and creativity. As a social system we seek the establishment of a democracy of individual participation, governed by two central aims: that the individual share in those social decisions determining the quality and direction of his life that society be organized to encourage independence in men and provide the media for their common participation. In a participatory democracy, the political life would be based in several root principles: that decision-making of basic social consequence be carried on by public groupings that politics be seen positively, as the art of collectively creating an acceptable pattern of social relations that politics has the function of bringing people out of isolation and into community, thus being a necessary, though not sufficient, means of finding meaning in personal life that the political order should serve to clarify problems in a way instrumental to their solution it should provide outlets for the expression of personal grievance and aspiration opposing views should be organized so as to illuminate choices and facilities the attainment of goals channels should be commonly available to related men to knowledge and to power so that private problems -- from bad recreation facilities to personal alienation -- are formulated as general issues. The economic sphere would have as its basis the principles: that work should involve incentives worthier than money or survival. It should be educative, not stultifying creative, not mechanical selfdirect, not manipulated, encouraging independence a respect for others, a sense of dignity and a willingness to accept social responsibility, since it is this experience that has crucial influence on habits, perceptions and individual ethics that the economic experience is so personally decisive that the individual must share in its full determination that the economy itself is of such social importance that its major resources and means of production should be open to democratic participation and subject to democratic social regulation. Like the political and economic ones, major social institutions -- cultural, education, rehabilitative, and others -- should be generally organized with the well-being and dignity of man as the essential measure of success. In social change or interchange, we find violence to be abhorrent because it requires generally the transformation of the target, be it a human being or a community of people, into a depersonalized object of hate. It is imperative that the means of violence be abolished and the institutions -- local, national, international -- that encourage nonviolence as a condition of conflict be developed. These are our central values, in skeletal form. It remains vital to understand their denial or attainment in the context of the modern world. In the last few years, thousands of American students demonstrated that they at least felt the urgency of the times. They moved actively and directly against racial injustices, the threat of war, violations of individual rights of conscience and, less frequently, against economic manipulation. They succeeded in restoring a small measure of controversy to the campuses after the stillness of the McCarthy period. They succeeded, too, in gaining some concessions from the people and institutions they opposed, especially in the fight against racial bigotry. The significance of these scattered movements lies not in their success or failure in gaining objectives -- at least not yet. Nor does the significance lie in the intellectual competence or maturity of the students involved -- as some pedantic elders allege. The significance is in the fact the students are breaking the crust of apathy and overcoming the inner alienation that remain the defining characteristics of American college life. If student movements for change are rarities still on the campus scene, what is commonplace there The real campus, the familiar campus, is a place of private people, engaged in their notorious inner emigration. It is a place of commitment to business-as-usual, getting ahead, playing it cool. It is a place of mass affirmation of the Twist, but mass reluctance toward the controversial public stance. Rules are accepted as inevitable, bureaucracy as just circumstances, irrelevance as scholarship, selflessness as martyrdom, politics as just another way to make people, and an unprofitable one, too. Almost no students value activity as a citizen. Passive in public, they are hardly more idealistic in arranging their private lives: Gallup concludes they will settle for low success, and wont risk high failure. There is not much willingness to take risks (not even in business), no setting of dangerous goals, no real conception of personal identity except one manufactured in the image of others, no real urge for personal fulfillment except to be almost as successful as the very successful people. Attention is being paid to social status (the quality of shirt collars, meeting people, getting wives or husbands, making solid contacts for later on) much too, is paid to academic status (grades, honors, the med school rat-race). But neglected generally is real intellectual status, the personal cultivation of the mind. Students dont even give a damn about the apathy, one has said. Apathy toward apathy begets a privately-constructed universe, a place of systematic study schedules, two nights each week for beer, a girl or two, and early marriage a framework infused with personality, warmth, and under control, no matter how unsatisfying otherwise. Under these conditions university life loses all relevance to some. Four hundred thousand of our classmates leave college every year. But apathy is not simply an attitude it is a product of social institutions, and of the structure and organization of higher education itself. The extracurricular life is ordered according to in loco parentis theory, which ratifies the Administration as the moral guardian of the young. The accompanying lets pretend theory of student extracurricular affairs validates student government as a training center for those who want to spend their lives in political pretense, and discourages initiative from more articulate, honest, and sensitive students. The bounds and style of controversy are delimited before controversy begins. The university prepares the student for citizenship through perpetual rehearsals and, usually, through emasculation of what creative spirit there is in the individual. The academic life contains reinforcing counterparts to the way in which extracurricular life is organized. The academic world is founded in a teacher-student relation analogous to the parent-child relation which characterizes in loco parentis. Further, academia includes a radical separation of student from the material of study. That which is studied, the social reality, is objectified to sterility, dividing the student from life -- just as he is restrained in active involvement by the deans controlling student government. The specialization of function and knowledge, admittedly necessary to our complex technological and social structure, has produced and exaggerated compartmentalization of study and understanding. This has contributed to: an overly parochial view, by faculty, of the role of its research and scholarship a discontinuous and truncated understanding, by students, of the surrounding social order a loss of personal attachment, by nearly all, to the worth of study as a humanistic enterprise. There is, finally, the cumbersome academic bureaucracy extending throughout the academic as well as extracurricular structures, contributing to the sense of outer complexity and inner powerlessness that transforms so many students from honest searching to ratification of convention and, worse, to a numbness of present and future catastrophes. The size and financing systems of the university enhance the permanent trusteeship of the administrative bureaucracy, their power leading to a shift to the value standards of business and administrative mentality within the university. Huge foundations and other private financial interests shape under-financed colleges and universities, not only making them more commercial, but less disposed to diagnose society critically, less open to dissent. Many social and physical scientists, neglecting the liberating heritage of higher learning, develop human relations or morale-producing techniques for the corporate economy, while others exercise their intellectual skills to accelerate the arms race. Tragically, the university could serve as a significant source of social criticism and an initiator of new modes and molders of attitudes. But the actual intellectual effect of the college experience is hardly distinguishable from that of any other communications channel -- say, a television set -- passing on the stock truths of the day. Students leave college somewhat more tolerant than when they arrived, but basically unchallenged in their values and political orientations. With administrators ordering the institutions, and faculty the curriculum, the student learns by his isolation to accept elite rule within the university, which prepares him to accept later forms of minority control. The real function of the educational system -- as opposed to its more rhetorical function of searching for truth -- is to impart the key information and styles that will help the student get by, modestly but comfortably, in the big society beyond. The Society Beyond Look beyond the campus, to America itself. That student life is more intellectual, and perhaps more comfortable, does not obscure the fact that the fundamental qualities of life on the campus reflect the habits of society at large. The fraternity president is seen at the junior manager levels the sorority queen has gone to Grosse Pointe: the serious poet burns for a place, any place, or work the once-serious and never serious poets work at the advertising agencies. The desperation of people threatened by forces about which they know little and of which they can say less the cheerful emptiness of people giving up all hope of changing things the faceless ones polled by Gallup who listed international affairs fourteenth on their list of problems but who also expected thermonuclear war in the next few years: in these and other forms, Americans are in withdrawal from public life, from any collective effort at directing their own affairs. Some regard this national doldrums as a sign of healthy approval of the established order -- but is it approval by consent or manipulated acquiescence Others declare that the people are withdrawn because compelling issues are fast disappearing -- perhaps there are fewer breadlines in America, but is Jim Crow gone, is there enough work and work more fulfilling, is world war a diminishing threat, and what of the revolutionary new peoples Still others think the national quietude is a necessary consequence of the need for elites to resolve complex and specialized problems of modern industrial society -- but, then, why should business elites help decide foreign policy, and who controls the elites anyway, and are they solving mankinds problems Others, finally, shrug knowingly and announce that full democracy never worked anywhere in the past -- but why lump qualitatively different civilizations together, and how can a social order work well if its best thinkers are skeptics, and is man really doomed forever to the domination of today There are no convincing apologies for the contemporary malaise. While the world tumbles toward the final war, while men in other nations are trying desperately to alter events, while the very future qua future is uncertain -- America is without community, impulse, without the inner momentum necessary for an age when societies cannot successfully perpetuate themselves by their military weapons, when democracy must be viable because of its quality of life, not its quantity of rockets. The apathy here is, first subjective -- the felt powerlessness of ordinary people, the resignation before the enormity of events. But subjective apathy is encouraged by the objective American situation -- the actual structural separation of people from power, from relevant knowledge, from pinnacles of decision-making. Just as the university influences the student way of life, so do major social institutions create the circumstances in which the isolated citizen will try hopelessly to understand his world and himself. The very isolation of the individual -- from power and community and ability to aspire -- means the rise of a democracy without publics. With the great mass of people structurally remote and psychologically hesitant with respect to democratic institutions, those institutions themselves attenuate and become, in the fashion of the vicious circle, progressively less accessible to those few who aspire to serious participation in social affairs. The vital democratic connection between community and leadership, between the mass and the several elites, has been so wrenched and perverted that disastrous policies go unchallenged time and again. Politics without Publics The American political system is not the democratic model of which its glorifiers speak. In actuality it frustrates democracy by confusing the individual citizen, paralyzing policy discussion, and consolidating the irresponsible power of military and business interests. A crucial feature of the political apparatus in America is that greater differences are harbored within each major party than the differences existing between them. Instead of two parties presenting distinctive and significant differences of approach, what dominates the system if a natural interlocking of Democrats from Southern states with the more conservative elements of the Republican party. This arrangement of forces is blessed by the seniority system of Congress which guarantees congressional committee domination by conservatives -- ten of 17 committees in the Senate and 13 of 21 in House of Representatives are chaired currently by Dixiecrats. The party overlap, however, is not the only structural antagonist of democracy in politics. First, the localized nature of the party system does not encourage discussion of national and international issues: thus problems are not raised by and for people, and political representatives usually are unfettered from any responsibilities to the general public except those regarding parochial matters. Second, whole constituencies are divested of the full political power they might have: many Negroes in the South are prevented from voting, migrant workers are disenfranchised by various residence requirements, some urban and suburban dwellers are victimized by gerrymandering, and poor people are too often without the power to obtain political representation. Third, the focus of political attention is significantly distorted by the enormous lobby force, composed predominantly of business interests, spending hundreds of millions each year in an attempt to conform facts about productivity, agriculture, defense, and social services, to the wants of private economic groupings. What emerges from the party contradictions and insulation of privatelyheld power is the organized political stalemate: calcification dominates flexibility as the principle of parliamentary organization, frustration is the expectancy of legislators intending liberal reform, and Congress becomes less and less central to national decision-making, especially in the area of foreign policy. In this context, confusion and blurring is built into the formulation of issues, long-range priorities are not discussed in the rational manner needed for policymaking, the politics of personality and image become a more important mechanism than the construction of issues in a way that affords each voter a challenging and real option. The American voter is buffeted from all directions by pseudo-problems, by the structurally-initiated sense that nothing political is subject to human mastery. Worried by his mundane problems which never get solved, but constrained by the common belief that politics is an agonizingly slow accommodation of views, he quits all pretense of bothering. A most alarming fact is that few, if any, politicians are calling for changes in these conditions. Only a handful even are calling on the President to live up to platform pledges no one is demanding structural changes, such as the shuttling of Southern Democrats out of the Democratic Party. Rather than protesting the state of politics, most politicians are reinforcing and aggravating that state. While in practice they rig public opinion to suit their own interests, in word and ritual they enshrine the sovereign public and call for more and more letters. Their speeches and campaign actions are banal, based on a degrading conception of what people want to hear. They respond not to dialogue, but to pressure: and knowing this, the ordinary citizen sees even greater inclination to shun the political sphere. The politicians is usually a trumpeter to citizenship and service to the nation, but since he is unwilling to seriously rearrange power relationships, his trumpetings only increase apathy by creating no outlets. Much of the time the call to service is justified not in idealistic terms, but in the crasser terms of defending the free world from communism -- thus making future idealistic impulses harder to justify in anything but Cold War terms. In such a setting of status quo politics, where most if not all government activity is rationalized in Cold War anti-communist terms, it is somewhat natural that discontented, super-patriotic groups would emerge through political channels and explain their ultra-conservatism as the best means of Victory over Communism. They have become a politically influential force within the Republican Party, at a national level through Senator Goldwater, and at a local level through their important social and economic roles. Their political views are defined generally as the opposite of the supposed views of communists: complete individual freedom in the economic sphere, non-participation by the government in the machinery of production. But actually anticommunism becomes an umbrella by which to protest liberalism, internationalism, welfarism, the active civil rights and labor movements. It is to the disgrace of the United States that such a movement should become a prominent kind of public participation in the modern world -- but, ironically, it is somewhat to the interests of the United States that such a movement should be a public constituency pointed toward realignment of the political parties, demanding a conservative Republican Party in the South and an exclusion of the leftist elements of the national GOP. American capitalism today advertises itself as the Welfare State. Many of us comfortably expect pensions, medical care, unemployment compensation, and other social services in our lifetimes. Even with one-fourth of our productive capacity unused, the majority of Americans are living in relative comfort -- although their nagging incentive to keep up makes them continually dissatisfied with their possessions. In many places, unrestrained bosses, uncontrolled machines, and sweatshop conditions have been reformed or abolished and suffering tremendously relieved. But in spite of the benign yet obscuring effects of the New Deal reforms and the reassuring phrases of government economists and politicians, the paradoxes and myths of the economy are sufficient to irritate our complacency and reveal to us some essential causes of the American malaise. We live amidst a national celebration of economic prosperity while poverty and deprivation remain an unbreakable way of life for millions in the affluent society, including many of our own generation. We hear glib reference to the welfare state, free enterprise, and shareholders democracy while military defense is the main item of public spending and obvious oligopoly and other forms of minority rule defy real individual initiative or popular control. Work, too, is often unfulfilling and victimizing, accepted as a channel to status or plenty, if not a way to pay the bills, rarely as a means of understanding and controlling self and events. In work and leisure the individual is regulated as part of the system, a consuming unit, bombarded by hardsell soft-sell, lies and semi-true appeals and his basest drives. He is always told what he is supposed to enjoy while being told, too, that he is a free man because of free enterprise. The Remote Control Economy. We are subject to a remote control economy, which excludes the mass of individual units -- the people -- from basic decisions affecting the nature and organization of work, rewards, and opportunities. The modern concentration of wealth is fantastic. The wealthiest one percent of Americans own more than 80 percent of all personal shares of stock. From World War II until the mid-Fifties, the 50 biggest corporations increased their manufacturing production from 17 to 23 percent of the national total, and the share of the largest 200 companies rose from 30 to 37 percent. To regard the various decisions of these elites as purely economic is short-sighted: their decisions affect in a momentous way the entire fabric of social life in America. Foreign investments influence political policies in under-developed areas -- and our efforts to build a profitable capitalist world blind our foreign policy to mankinds needs and destiny. The drive for sales spurs phenomenal advertising efforts the ethical drug industry, for instance, spent more than 750 million on promotions in 1960, nearly for times the amount available to all American medical schools for their educational programs. The arts, too, are organized substantially according to their commercial appeal aesthetic values are subordinated to exchange values, and writers swiftly learn to consider the commercial market as much as the humanistic marketplace of ideas. The tendency to over-production, to gluts of surplus commodities, encourages market research techniques to deliberately create pseudo-needs in consumers -- we learn to buy smart things, regardless of their utility -- and introduces wasteful planned obsolescence as a permanent feature of business strategy. While real social needs accumulate as rapidly as profits, it becomes evident that Money, instead of dignity of character, remains a pivotal American value and Profitability, instead of social use, a pivotal standard in determining priorities of resource allocation. Within existing arrangements, the American business community cannot be said to encourage a democratic process nationally. Economic minorities not responsible to a public in any democratic fashion make decisions of a more profound importance than even those made by Congress. Such a claim is usually dismissed by respectful and knowing citations of the ways in which government asserts itself as keeper of the public interest at times of business irresponsibility. But the real, as opposed to the mythical, range of government control of the economy includes only: some limited regulatory powers -- which usually just ratify industry policies or serve as palliatives at the margins of significant business activity a fiscal policy build upon defense expenditures as pump-priming public works -- without a significant emphasis on peaceful public works to meet social priorities and alleviate personal hardships limited fiscal and monetary weapons which are rigid and have only minor effects, and are greatly limited by corporate veto: tax cuts and reforms interest rate control (used generally to tug on investment by hurting the little investor most) tariffs which protect noncompetitive industries with political power and which keep less-favored nations out of the large trade mainstream, as the removal of barriers reciprocally with the Common Market may do disastrously to emerging countries outside of Europe wage arbitration, the use of government coercion in the name of public interest to hide the tensions between workers and business production controllers price controls, which further maintains the status quo of big ownership and flushes out little investors for the sake of stability very limited poverty-solving which is designed for the organized working class but not the shut-out, poverty-stricken migrants, farm workers, the indigent unaware of medical care or the lower-middle class person riddled with medical bills, the unhireables of minority groups or workers over 45 years of age, etc. regional development programs -- such as the Area Redevelopment Act which have been only trickle down welfare programs without broad authority for regional planning and development and public works spending. The federal highway program has been more significant than the depressed areas program in meeting the needs of people, but is generally too remote and does not reach the vicious circle of poverty itself. In short, the theory of government countervailing business neglects the extent to which government influence is marginal to the basic production decisions, the basic decision-making environment of society, the basic structure or distribution and allocation which is still determined by major corporations with power and wealth concentrated among the few. A conscious conspiracy -- as in the case of pricerigging in the electrical industry -- is by no means generally or continuously operative but power undeniably does rest in comparative insulation from the public and its political representatives. The Military-Industrial Complex. The most spectacular and important creation of the authoritarian and oligopolistic structure of economic decision-making in America is the institution called the militaryindustrial complex by former President Eisenhower, the powerful congruence of interest and structure among military and business elites which affects so much of our development and destiny. Not only is ours the first generation to live with the possibility of world-wide cataclysm -- it is the first to experience the actual social preparation for cataclysm, the general militarization of American society. In 1948 Congress established Universal Military Training, the first peacetime conscription. The military became a permanent institution. Four years earlier, General Motors Charles E. Wilson had heralded the creation of what he called the permanent war economy, the continuous use of military spending as a solution to economic problems unsolved before the post-war boom, most notably the problem of the seventeen million jobless after eight years of the New Deal. This has left a hidden crisis in the allocation of resources by the American economy. Since our childhood these two trends -- the rise of the military and the installation of a defense-based economy -- have grown fantastically. The Department of Defense, ironically the worlds largest single organization, is worth 160 billion, owns 32 million acres of America and employs half the 7.5 million persons directly dependent on the military for subsistence, has an 11 billion payroll which is larger than the net annual income of all American corporations. Defense spending in the Eisenhower era totaled 350 billions and President Kennedy entered office pledged to go even beyond the present defense allocation of sixty cents from every public dollar spent. Except for a war-induced boom immediately after our side bombed Hiroshima, American economic prosperity has coincided with a growing dependence on military outlay -- from 1941 to 1959 Americas Gross National Product of 5.25 trillion included 700 billion in goods and services purchased for the defense effort, about one-seventh of the accumulated GNP. This pattern has included the steady concentration of military spending among a few corporations. In 1961, 86 percent of Defense Department contracts were awarded without competition. The ordnance industry of 100,000 people is completely engaged in military work in the aircraft industry, 94 percent of 750,000 workers are linked to the war economy shipbuilding, radio and communications equipment industries commit forty percent of their work to defense iron and steel, petroleum, metal-stamping and machine shop products, motors and generators, tools and hardware, copper, aluminum and machine tools industries all devote at least 10 percent of their work to the same cause. The intermingling of Big Military and Big Industry is evidenced in the 1,400 former officers working for the 100 corporations who received nearly all the 21 billion spent in procurement by the Defense Department in 1961. The overlap is most poignantly clear in the case of General Dynamics, the company which received the best 1961 contracts, employed the most retired officers (187), and is directed by a former Secretary of the Army. A Fortune magazine profile of General Dynamics said: The unique group of men who run Dynamics are only incidentally in rivalry with other U. S. manufacturers, with many of whom they actually act in concert. Their chief competitor is the USSR. The core of General Dynamics corporate philosophy is the conviction that national defense is a more or less permanent business. Little has changed since Wilsons proud declaration of the Permanent War Economy back in the 1944 days when the top 200 corporations possessed 80 percent of all active prime war-supply contracts. Military Industrial Politics. The military and its supporting business foundation have found numerous forms of political expression, and we have heard their din endlessly. There has not been a major Congressional split on the issue of continued defense spending spirals in our lifetime. The triangular relation of the business, military and political arenas cannot be better expressed than in Dixiecrat Carl Vinsons remarks as his House Armed Services Committee reported out a military construction bill of 808 million throughout the 50 states, for 1960-61: There is something in this bill for everyone, he announced. President Kennedy had earlier acknowledged the valuable anti-recession features of the bill. Imagine, on the other hand, 808 million suggested as an anti-recession measure, but being poured into programs of social welfare: the impossibility of receiving support for such a measure identifies a crucial feature of defense spending: it is beneficial to private enterprise, while welfare spending is not. Defense spending does not compete with the private sector it contains a natural obsolescence its confidential nature permits easier boondoggling the tax burdens to which it leads can be shunted from corporation to consumer as a cost of production. Welfare spending, however, involves the government in competition with private corporations and contractors it conflicts with immediate interests of private pressure groups it leads to taxes on business. Think of the opposition of private power companies to current proposals for river and valley development, or the hostility of the real estate lobby to urban renewal or the attitude of the American Medical Association to a paltry medical care bill or of all business lobbyists to foreign aid these are the pressures leading to the schizophrenic public-military, private-civilian economy of our epoch. The politicians, of course, take the line of least resistance and thickest support: warfare, instead of welfare, is easiest to stand up for: after all, the Free World is at stake (and our constituencys investments, too). Automation, Abundance, and Challenge. But while the economy remains relatively static in its setting of priorities and allocation of resources, new conditions are emerging with enormous implications: the revolution of automation, and the replacement of scarcity by the potential of material abundance. Automation, the process of machines replacing men in performing sensory, motoric and complex logical tasks, is transforming society in ways that are scarcely comprehensible. By 1959, industrial production regained its 1957 pre-recession level -- but with 750,000 fewer workers required. In the Fifties as a whole, national production enlarged by 43 percent but the number of factory employees remained stationary, seventenths of one percent higher than in 1947. Automation is destroying whole categories of work -- impersonal thinkers have efficiently labeled this structural unemployment -- in blue-collar, service, and even middle management occupations. In addition it is eliminating employment opportunities for a youth force that numbers one million more than it did in 1950, and rendering work far more difficult both to find and do for people in the forties and up. The consequences of this economic drama, strengthened by the force of post-war recessions, are momentous: five million becomes an acceptable unemployment tabulation, and misery, uprootedness and anxiety become the lot of increasing numbers of Americans. But while automation is creating social dislocation of a stunning kind, it paradoxically is imparting the opportunity for men the world around to rise in dignity from their knees. The dominant optimistic economic fact of this epoch is that fewer hands are needed now in actual production, although more goods and services are a real potentiality. The world could be fed, poverty abolished, the great public needs could be met, the brutish world of Darwinian scarcity could be brushed away, all men could have more time to pursue their leisure, drudgery in work could be cut to a minimum, education could become more of a continuing process for all people, both public and personal needs could be met rationally. But only in a system with selfish production motives and elitist control, a system which is less welfare than war-based, undemocratic rather than stockholder participative as sold to us, does the potentiality for abundance become a curse and a cruel irony: Automation brings unemployment instead of mere leisure for all and greater achievement of needs for all people in the world -- a crisis instead of economic utopia. Instead of being introduced into a social system in a planned and equitable way, automation is initiated according to its profitability. American Telephone and Telegraph holds back modern telephone equipment, invented with public research funds, until present equipment is financially unprofitable. Colleges develop teaching machines, mass-class techniques, and TV education to replace teachers: not to proliferate knowledge or to assist the qualified professors now, but to cut costs in education and make the academic community more efficient and less wasteful. Technology, which could be a blessing to society, becomes more and more a sinister threat to humanistic and rational enterprise. Hard-core poverty exists just beyond the neon lights of affluence, and the have-nots may be driven still further from opportunity as the high-technology society demands better education to get into the production mainstream and more capital investment to get into business. Poverty is shameful in that it herds people by race, region, and previous condition of infortune into uneconomic classes in the so-called free society -- the marginal worker is made more insecure by automation and high education requirements, heavier competition for jobs, maintaining low wages or a high level of unemployment. People in the rut of poverty are strikingly unable to overcome the collection of forces working against them: poor health, bad neighborhoods, miserable schools, inadequate welfare services, unemployment and underemployment, weak politician and union organization. Surplus and potential plenty are waste domestically and producers suffer impoverishment because the real needs of the world and of our society are not reflected in the market. Our huge bins of decomposing grain are classic American examples, as is the steel industry which, in the summer of 1962, is producing at 53 percent of capacity. The Stance of Labor. Amidst all this, what of organized labor, the historic institutional representative of the exploited, the presumed countervailing power against the excesses of Big Business The contemporary social assault on the labor movement is of crisis proportions. To the average American, big labor is a growing cancer equal in impact to Big Business -- nothing could be more distorted, even granting a sizable union bureaucracy. But in addition to public exaggerations, the labor crisis can be measured in several ways. First, the high expectations of the newborn AFL-CIO of 30 million members by 1965 are suffering a reverse unimaginable five years ago. The demise of the dream of organizing the unorganized is dramatically reflected in the AFL-CIO decision, just two years after its creation, to slash its organizing staff in half. From 15 million members when the AFL and the CIO merged, the total has slipped to 13.5 million. During the post-war generation, union membership nationally has increased by four million -- but the total number of workers has jumped by 13 million. Today only 40 percent of all non-agricultural workers are protected by any form or organization. Second, organizing conditions are going to worsen. Where labor now is strongest -- in industries -- automation is leading to an attrition of available work. As the number of jobs dwindles, so does labors power of bargaining, since management can handle a strike in an automated plant more easily than the older mass-operated ones. More important perhaps, the American economy has changed radically in the last decade, as suddenly the number of workers producing goods became fewer than the number in nonproductive areas -- government, trade, finance, services, utilities, transportation. Since World War II white collar and service jobs have grown twice as fast as have, blue collar production jobs. Labor has almost no organization in the expanding occupational areas of the new economy, but almost all of its entrenched strength in contracting areas. As big government hires more, as business seeks more office workers and skilled technicians, and as growing commercial America demands new hotels, service stations and the like, the conditions will become graver still. Further, there is continuing hostility to labor by the Southern states and their industrial interests -- meaning runaway plants, cheap labor threatening the organized trade union movement, and opposition from Dixiecrats to favorable labor legislation in Congress. Finally, there is indication that Big Business, for the sake of public relations if nothing more, has acknowledged labors right to exist, but has deliberately tried to contain labor at its present strength, preventing strong unions from helping weaker ones or from spreading or unorganized sectors of the economy. Business is aided in its efforts by proliferation of right-to-work laws at state levels (especially in areas where labor is without organizing strength to begin with), and anti-labor legislation in Congress. In the midst of these besetting crises, labor itself faces its own problems of vision and program. Historically, there can be no doubt as to its worth in American politics -- what progress there has been in meeting human needs in this century rests greatly with the labor movement. And to a considerable extent the social democracy for which labor has fought externally is reflected in its own essentially democratic character: representing millions of people, no millions of dollars demanding their welfare, not eternal profit. Today labor remains the most liberal mainstream institution -- but often its liberalism represents vestigial commitments self-interestedness, unradicalism. In some measure labor has succumbed to institutionalization, its social idealism waning under the tendencies of bureaucracy, materialism, business ethics. The successes of the last generation perhaps have braked, rather than accelerated labors zeal for change. Even the House of Labor has bay windows: not only is this true of the labor elites, but as well of some of the rank-and-file. Many of the latter are indifferent unionists, uninterested in meetings, alienated from the complexities of the labor-management negotiating apparatus, lulled to comfort by the accessibility of luxury and the opportunity of long-term contracts. Union democracy is not simply inhibited by labor leader elitism, but by the unrelated problem of rankand - file apathy to the tradition of unionism. The crisis of labor is reflected in the coexistence within the unions of militant Negro discontents and discriminatory locals, sweeping critics of the obscuring public interest marginal tinkering of government and willing handmaidens of conservative political leadership, austere sacrificers and business-like operators, visionaries and anachronisms -- tensions between extremes that keep alive the possibilities for a more militant unionism. Too, there are seeds of rebirth in the organizational crisis itself: the technologically unemployed, the unorganized white collar men and women, the migrants and farm workers, the unprotected Negroes, the poor, all of whom are isolated now from the power structure of the economy, but who are the potential base for a broader and more forceful unionism. Horizon. In summary: a more reformed, more human capitalism, functioning at three-fourths capacity while one-third of America and two-thirds of the world goes needy, domination of politics and the economy by fantastically rich elites, accommodation and limited effectiveness by the labor movement, hard-core poverty and unemployment, automation confirming the dark ascension of machine over man instead of shared abundance, technological change being introduced into the economy by the criteria of profitability -- this has been our inheritance. However inadequate, it has instilled quiescence in liberal hearts -- partly reflecting the extent to which misery has been over-come but also the eclipse of social ideals. Though many of us are affluent, poverty, waste, elitism, manipulation are too manifest to go unnoticed, too clearly unnecessary to go accepted. To change the Cold War status quo and other social evils, concern with the challenges to the American economic machine must expand. Now, as a truly better social state becomes visible, a new poverty impends: a poverty of vision, and a poverty of political action to make that vision reality. Without new vision, the failure to achieve our potentialities will spell the inability of our society to endure in a world of obvious, crying needs and rapid change. THE INDIVIDUAL IN THE WARFARE STATE Business and politics, when significantly militarized, affect the whole living condition of each American citizen. Worker and family depend on the Cold War for life. Half of all research and development is concentrated on military ends. The press mimics conventional cold war opinion in its editorials. In less than a full generation, most Americans accept the military-industrial structure as the way things are. War is still pictured as one more kind of diplomacy, perhaps a gloriously satisfying kind. Our saturation and atomic bombings of Germany and Japan are little more than memories of past policy necessities that preceded the wonderful economic boom of 1946. The facts that our once-revolutionary 20,000 ton Hiroshima Bomb is now paled by 50 megaton weapons, that our lifetime has included the creation of intercontinental ballistic missiles, that greater weapons are to follow, that weapons refinement is more rapid than the development of weapons of defense, that soon a dozen or more nations will have the Bomb, that one simple miscalculation could incinerate mankind: these orienting facts are but remotely felt. A shell of moral callous separates the citizen from sensitivity of the common peril: this is the result of a lifetime saturation with horror. After all, some ask, where could we begin, even if we wanted to After all, others declare, we can only assume things are in the best of hands. A coed at the University of Kentucky says, we regard peace and war as fairy tales. And a child has asked in helplessness, perhaps for us all, Daddy, why is there a cold war Past senselessness permits present brutality present brutality is prelude to future deeds of still greater inhumanity that is the moral history of the twentieth century, from the First World War to the present. A half-century of accelerating destruction has flattened out the individuals ability to make moral distinction, it has made people understandably give up, it has forced private worry and public silence. To a decisive extent, the means of defense, the military technology itself, determines the political and social character of the state being defended -- that is, defense mechanism themselves in the nuclear age alter the character of the system that creates them for protection. So it has been with American, as her democratic institutions and habits have shriveled in almost direct proportion to the growth of her armaments. Decisions about military strategy, including the monstrous decision to go to war, are more and more the property of the military and the industrial arms race machine, with the politicians assuming a ratifying role instead of a determining one. This is increasingly a fact not just because of the installation of the permanent military, but because of constant revolutions in military technology. The new technologies allegedly require military expertise, scientific comprehension, and the mantle of secrecy. As Congress relies more and more on the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the existing chasm between people and decision-makers becomes irreconcilably wide, and more alienating in its effects. A necessary part of the military effort is propaganda: to sell the need for congressional appropriations, to conceal various business scandals, and to convince the American people that the arms race is important enough to sacrifice civil liberties and social welfare. So confusion prevails about the national needs, while the three major services and the industrial allies jockey for power -- the Air Force tending to support bombers and missilery, the Navy, Polaris and carriers, the Army, conventional ground forces and invulnerable nuclear arsenals, and all three feigning unity and support of the policy of weapons and agglomeration called the mix. Strategies are advocated on the basis of power and profit, usually more so than on the basis of national military needs. In the meantime, Congressional investigating committees -- most notably the House Un-American Activities Committee and the Senate Judiciary Committee -- attempt to curb the little dissent that finds its way into off-beat magazines. A huge militant anticommunist brigade throws in its support, patriotically willing to do anything to achieve total victory in the Cold War the government advocates peaceful confrontation with international Communism, then utterly pillories and outlaws the tiny American Communist Party. University professors withdraw prudently from public issues the very style of social science writing becomes more qualified. Needs in housing, education, minority rights, health care, land redevelopment, hourly wages, all are subordinated -- though a political tear is shed gratuitously -- to the primary objective of the military and economic strength of the Free World. What are the governing policies which supposedly justify all this human sacrifice and waste With few exceptions they have reflected the quandaries and confusion, stagnation and anxiety, of a stalemated nation in a turbulent world. They have shown a slowness, sometimes a sheer inability to react to a sequence of new problems. Of these problems, two of the newest are foremost: the existence of poised nuclear weapons and the revolutions against the former colonial powers. In the both areas, the Soviet Union and the various national communist movements have aggravated internation relations in inhuman and undesirable ways, but hardly so much as to blame only communism for the present menacing situation. The accumulation of nuclear arsenals, the threat of accidental war, the possibility of limited war becoming illimitable holocaust, the impossibility of achieving final arms superiority or invulnerability, the approaching nativity of a cluster of infant atomic powers all of these events are tending to undermine traditional concepts of power relations among nations. War can no longer be considered as an effective instrument of foreign policy, a means of strengthening alliances, adjusting the balance of power, maintaining national sovereignty, or preserving human values. War is no longer simply a forceful extension of foreign policy it can obtain no constructive ends in the modern world. Soviet or American megatonnage is sufficient to destroy all existing social structures as well as value systems. Missiles have (figuratively) thumbed their nosecones at national boundaries. But America, like other countries, still operates by means of national defense and deterrence systems. These are seen to be useful so long as they are never fully used: unless we as a national entity can convince Russia that we are willing to commit the most heinous action in human history, we will be forced to commit it. Deterrence advocates, all of them prepared at least to threaten mass extermination, advance arguments of several kinds. At one pole are the minority of open partisans of preventive war -- who falsely assume the inevitability of violent conflict and assert the lunatic efficacy of striking the first blow, assuming that it will be easier to recover after thermonuclear war than to recover now from the grip of the Cold War. Somewhat more reluctant to advocate initiating a war, but perhaps more disturbing for their numbers within the Kennedy Administration, are the many advocates of the counterforce theory of aiming strategic nuclear weapons at military installations -- though this might save more lives than a preventive war, it would require drastic, provocative and perhaps impossible social change to separate many cities from weapons sites, it would be impossible to ensure the immunity of cities after one or two counterforce nuclear exchanges, it would generate a perpetual arms race for less vulnerability and greater weapons power and mobility, it would make outer space a region subject to militarization, and accelerate the suspicions and arms build-ups which are incentives to precipitate nuclear action. Others would support fighting limited wars which use conventional (all but atomic) weapons, backed by deterrents so mighty that both sides would fear to use them -- although underestimating the implications of numerous new atomic powers on the world stage, the extreme difficulty of anchoring international order with weapons of only transient invulnerability, the potential tendency for a losing side to push limited protracted fighting on the soil of underdeveloped countries. Still other deterrence artists propose limited, clearly defensive and retaliatory, nuclear capacity, always potent enough to deter an opponents aggressive designs -- the best of deterrence stratagems, but inadequate when it rests on the equation of an arms stalemate with international stability. All the deterrence theories suffer in several common ways. They allow insufficient attention to preserving, extending, and enriching democratic values, such matters being subordinate rather than governing in the process of conducting foreign policy. Second, they inadequately realize the inherent instabilities of the continuing arms race and balance of fear. Third, they operationally tend to eclipse interest and action towards disarmament by solidifying economic, political and even moral investments in continuation of tensions. Fourth, they offer a disinterested and even patriotic rationale for the boondoggling, belligerence, and privilege of military and economic elites. Finally, deterrence stratagems invariably understate or dismiss the relatedness of various dangers they inevitably lend tolerability to the idea of war by neglecting the dynamic interaction of problems -- such as the menace of accidental war, the probable future tensions surrounding the emergence of ex-colonial nations, the imminence of several new nations joining the Nuclear Club, the destabilizing potential of technological breakthrough by either arms race contestant, the threat of Chinese atomic might, the fact that recovery after World War III would involve not only human survivors but, as well, a huge and fragile social structure and culture which would be decimated perhaps irreparably by total war. Such a harsh critique of what we are doing as a nation by no means implies that sole blame for the Cold War rests on the United States. Both sides have behaved irresponsibly -- the Russians by an exaggerated lack of trust, and by much dependence on aggressive military strategists rather than on proponents of nonviolent conflict and coexistence. But we do contend, as Americans concerned with the conduct of our representative institutions, that our government has blamed the Cold War stalemate on nearly everything but its own hesitations, its own anachronistic dependence on weapons. To be sure, there is more to disarmament than wishing for it. There are inadequacies in international rule-making institutions -- which could be corrected. There are faulty inspection mechanisms -- which could be perfected by disinterested scientists. There is Russian intransigency and evasiveness -- which do not erase the fact that the Soviet Union, because of a strained economy, an expectant population, fears of Chinese potential, and interest in the colonial revolution, is increasingly disposed to real disarmament with real controls. But there is, too, our own reluctance to face the uncertain world beyond the Cold War, our own shocking assumption that the risks of the present are fewer than the risks of a policy re-orientation to disarmament, our own unwillingness to face the implementation of our rhetorical commitments to peace and freedom. Today the world alternatively drifts and plunges towards a terrible war when vision and change are required, our government pursues a policy of macabre dead-end dimensions -- conditioned, but not justified, by actions of the Soviet bloc. Ironically, the war which seems to close will not be fought between the United States and Russia, not externally between two national entities, but as an international civil war throughout the unrespected and unprotected human civitas which spans the world. The Colonial Revolution While weapons have accelerated mans opportunity for self-destruction, the counter-impulse to life and creation are superbly manifest in the revolutionary feelings of many Asian, African and Latin American peoples. Against the individual initiative and aspiration, and social sense of organicism characteristic of these upsurges, the American apathy and stalemate stand in embarrassing contrast. It is difficult today to give human meaning to the welter of facts that surrounds us. That is why it is especially hard to understand the facts of underdevelopment: in India, man and beast together produced 65 percent of the nations economic energy in a recent year, and of the remaining 35 percent of inanimately produced power almost three-fourths was obtained by burning dung. But in the United States, human and animal power together account for only one percent of the national economic energy -- that is what stands humanly behind the vague term industrialization. Even to maintain the misery of Asia today at a constant level will require a rate of growth tripling the national income and the aggregate production in Asian countries by the end of the century. For Asians to have the (unacceptable) 1950 standard of Europeans, less than 2,000 per year for a family, national production must increase 21-fold by the end the century, and that monstrous feat only to reach a level that Europeans find intolerable. What has America done During the years 1955-57 our total expenditures in economic aid were equal to one-tenth of one percent of our total Gross National Product. Prior to that time it was less since then it has been a fraction higher. Immediate social and economic development is needed -- we have helped little, seeming to prefer to create a growing gap between have and have not rather than to usher in social revolutions which would threaten our investors and out military alliances. The new nations want to avoid power entanglements that will open their countries to foreign domination -- and we have often demanded loyalty oaths. They do not see the relevence of uncontrolled free enterprise in societies without accumulated capital and a significant middle class -- and we have looked calumniously on those who would not try our way. They seek empathy -- and we have sided with the old colonialists, who now are trying to take credit for giving all the freedom that has been wrested from them, or we empathize when pressure absolutely demands it. With rare variation, American foreign policy in the Fifties was guided by a concern for foreign investment and a negative anti-communist political stance linked to a series of military alliances, both undergirded by military threat. We participated unilaterally -- usually through the Central Intelligence Agency -- in revolutions against governments in Laos, Guatemala, Cuba, Egypt, Iran. We permitted economic investment to decisively affect our foreign policy: fruit in Cuba, oil in the Middle East, diamonds and gold in South Africa (with whom we trade more than with any African nation). More exactly: Americas foreign market in the late Fifties, including exports of goods and services plus overseas sales by American firms, averaged about 60 billion annually. This represented twice the investment of 1950, and it is predicted that the same rates of increase will continue. The reason is obvious: Fortune said in 1958, foreign earnings will be more than double in four years, more than twice the probable gain in domestic profits. These investments are concentrated primarily in the Middle East and Latin America, neither region being an impressive candidate for the long-run stability, political caution, and lower-class tolerance that American investors typically demand. Our pugnacious anti-communism and protection of interests has led us to an alliance inappropriately called the Free World. It included four major parliamentary democracies: ourselves, Canada, Great Britain, and India. It also has included through the years Batista, Franco, Verwoerd, Salazar, De Gaulle, Boun Oum, Ngo Diem, Chiang Kai Shek, Trujillo, the Somozas, Saud, Ydigoras -- all of these non-democrats separating us deeply from the colonial revolutions. Since the Kennedy administration began, the American government seems to have initiated policy changes in the colonial and underdeveloped areas. It accepted neutralism as a tolerable principle it sided more than once with the Angolans in the United Nations it invited Souvanna Phouma to return to Laos after having overthrown his neutralist government there it implemented the Alliance for Progress that President Eisenhower proposed when Latin America appeared on the verge of socialist revolutions it made derogatory statements about the Trujillos it cautiously suggested that a democratic socialist government in British Guiana might be necessary to support in inaugural oratory, it suggested that a moral imperative was involved in sharing the worlds resources with those who have been previously dominated. These were hardly sufficient to heal the scars of past activity and present associations, but nevertheless they were motions away from the Fifties. But quite unexpectedly, the President ordered the Cuban invations, and while the American press railed about how we had been shamed and defied by that monster Castro, the colonial peoples of the world wondered whether our foreign policy had really changed from its old imperialist ways (we had never supported Castro, even on the eve of his taking power, and had announced early that the conduct of the Castro government toward foreign private enterprise in Cuba would be a main State Department concern). Any heralded changes in our foreign policy are now further suspect in the wake of the Punta Del Este foreign ministers conference where the five countries representing most of Latin America refused to cooperate in our plans to further isolate the Castro government. Ever since the colonial revolution began, American policy makers have reacted to new problems with old gunboat remedies, often thinly disguised. The feeble but desirable efforts of the Kennedy administration to be more flexible are coming perhaps too late, and are of too little significance to really change the historical thrust of our policies. The hunger problem is increasing rapidly mostly as a result of the worldwide population explosion that cancels out the meager triumphs gained so far over starvation. The threat of population to economic growth is simply documented: in 1960-70 population in Africa south of the Sahara will increase 14 percent in South Asia and the Far East by 22 percent in North Africa 26 percent in the Middle East by 27 percent in Latin America 29 percent. Population explosion, no matter how devastating, is neutral. But how long will it take to create a relation of thrust between America and the newly-developing societies How long to change our policies And what length of time do we have The world is in transformation. But America is not. It can race to industrialize the world, tolerating occasional authoritarianisms, socialisms, neutralisms along the way -- or it can slow the pace of the inevitable and default to the eager and self-interested Soviets and, much more importantly, to mankind itself. Only mystics would guess we have opted thoroughly for the first. Consider what our people think of this, the most urgent issue on the human agenda. Fed by a bellicose press, manipulated by economic and political opponents of change, drifting in their own history, they grumble about the foreign aid waste, or about that beatnik down in Cuba, or how things will get us by. thinking confidently, albeit in the usual bewilderment, that Americans can go right on like always, five percent of mankind producing forty percent of its goods. An unreasoning anti-communism has become a major social problem for those who want to construct a more democratic America. McCarthyism and other forms of exaggerated and conservative anti-communism seriously weaken democratic institutions and spawn movements contrary to the interests of basic freedoms and peace. In such an atmosphere even the most intelligent of Americans fear to join political organizations, sign petitions, speak out on serious issues. Militaristic policies are easily sold to a public fearful of a democratic enemy. Political debate is restricted, thought is standardized, action is inhibited by the demands of unity and oneness in the face of the declared danger. Even many liberals and socialists share static and repititious participation in the anti-communist crusade and often discourage tentative, inquiring discussion about the Russian question within their ranks -- often by employing stalinist, stalinoid, trotskyite and other epithets in an oversimplifying way to discredit opposition. Thus much of the American anti-communism takes on the characteristics of paranoia. Not only does it lead to the perversion of democracy and to the political stagnation of a warfare society, but it also has the unintended consequence of preventing an honest and effective approach to the issues. Such an approach would require public analysis and debate of world politics. But almost nowhere in politics is such a rational analysis possible to make. It would seem reasonable to expect that in America the basic issues of the Cold War should be rationally and fully debated, between persons of every opinion -- on television, on platforms and through other media. It would seem, too, that there should be a way for the person or an organization to oppose communism without contributing to the common fear of associations and public actions. But these things do not happen instead, there is finger-pointing and comical debate about the most serious of issues. This trend of events on the domestic scene, towards greater irrationality on major questions, moves us to greater concern than does the internal threat of domestic communism. Democracy, we are convinced, requires every effort to set in peaceful opposition the basic viewpoints of the day only by conscious, determined, though difficult, efforts in this direction will the issue of communism be met appropriately. Communism and Foreign Policy As democrats we are in basic opposition to the communist system. The Soviet Union, as a system, rests on the total suppression of organized opposition, as well as on a vision of the future in the name of which much human life has been sacrificed, and numerous small and large denials of human dignity rationalized. The Communist Party has equated falsely the triumph of true socialism with centralized bureaucracy. The Soviet state lacks independent labor organizations and other liberties we consider basic. And despite certain reforms, the system remains almost totally divorced from the image officially promulgated by the Party. Communist parties throughout the rest of the world are generally undemocratic in internal structure and mode of action. Moreover, in most cases they subordinate radical programs to requirements of Soviet foreign policy. The communist movement has failed, in every sense, to achieve its stated intentions of leading a worldwide movement for human emancipation. But present trends in American anti-communism are not sufficient for the creation of appropriate policies with which to relate to and counter communist movements in the world. In no instance is this better illustrated than in our basic national policy-making assumption that the Soviet Union is inherently expansionist and aggressive, prepared to dominate the rest of the world by military means. On this assumption rests the monstrous American structure of military preparedness because of it we sacrifice values and social programs to the alleged needs of military power. But the assumption itself is certainly open to question and debate. To be sure, the Soviet state has used force and the threat of force to promote or defend its perceived national interests. But the typical American response has been to equate the use of force -- which in many cases might be dispassionately interpreted as a conservative, albeit brutal, action -- with the initiation of a worldwide military onslaught. In addition, the Russian-Chinese conflicts and the emergency. throughout the communist movement call for a re-evaluation of any monolithic interpretations. And the apparent Soviet disinterest in building a first-strike arsenal of weapons challenges the weight given to protection against surprise attack in formulations of American policy toward the Soviets. Almost without regard to ones conception of the dynamics of Soviet society and foreign policy, it is evident that the American military response has been more effective in deterring the growth of democracy than communism. Moreover, our prevailing policies make difficult the encouragement of skepticism, anti-war or pro-democratic attitudes in the communist systems. America has done a great deal to foment the easier, opposite tendency in Russia: suspicion, suppression, and stiff military resistance. We have established a system of military alliances which of even dubious deterrence value. It is reasonable of suggest the Berlin and Laos have been earth-shaking situations partly because rival systems of deterrence make impossible the withdrawal of threats. The status quo is not cemented by mutual threat but by mutual fear of receeding from pugnacity -- since the latter course would undermine the credibility of our deterring system. Simultaneously, while billions in military aid were propping up right-wing Laotian, Formosan, Iranian and other regimes, American leadership never developed a purely political policy for offering concrete alternatives to either communism or the status quo for colonial revolutions. The results have been: fulfillment of the communist belief that capitalism is stagnant, its only defense being dangerous military adventurism destabilizing incidents in numerous developing countries an image of America allied with corrupt oligarchies counterposed to the Russian-Chinese image of rapid, though brutal, economic development. Again and again, America mistakes the static area of defense, rather than the dynamic area of development, as the master need of two-thirds of mankind. Our paranoia about the Soviet Union has made us incapable of achieving agreements absolutely necessary for disarmament and the preservation of peace. We are hardly able to see the possibility that the Soviet Union, though not peace loving, may be seriously interested in disarmament. Infinite possibilities for both tragedy and progress lie before us. On the one hand, we can continue to be afraid, and out of fear commit suicide. On the other hand, we can develop a fresh and creative approach to world problems which will help to create democracy at home and establish conditions for its growth elsewhere in the world. Our America is still white. Consider the plight, statistically, of its greatest nonconformists, the nonwhites (a Census Bureau designation). Literacy: One of every four nonwhites is functionally illiterate half do not complete elementary school one in five finishes high school or better. But one in twenty whites is functionally illiterate four of five finish elementary school half go through high school or better. Salary: In 1959 a nonwhite worker could expect to average 2,844 annually a nonwhite family, including a college-educated father, could expect to make 5,654 collectively. But a white worker could expect to make 4,487 if he worked alone with a college degree and a family of helpers he could expect 7,373. The approximate Negro-white wage ratio has remained nearly level for generations, with the exception of the World War II employment boom which opened many better jobs to exploited groups. Work: More than half of all nonwhites work at laboring or service jobs, including one-fourth of those with college degrees one in 20 works in a professional or managerial capacity. Fewer than one in five of all whites are laboring or service workers, including one in every 100 of the college-educated one in four is in professional or managerial work. Unemployment: Within the 1960 labor force of approximately 72 million, one of every 10 nonwhites was unemployed. Only one of every 20 whites suffered that condition. Housing: The census classifies 57 percent of all nonwhite houses substandard, but only 27 percent of white-owned units so exist. Education: More than fifty percent of Americas nonwhite high school students never graduate. The vocational and professional spread of curriculum categories offered nonwhites is 16 as opposed to the 41 occupations offered to the white student. Furthermore, in spite of the 1954 Supreme Court decision, 80 percent of all nonwhites educated actually, or virtually, are educated under segregated conditions. And only one of 20 nonwhite students goes to college as opposed to the 1:10 ratio for white students. Voting: While the white community is registered above two-thirds of its potential, the nonwhite population is registered below one-third of its capacity (with even greater distortion in areas of the Deep South). Even against this background, some will say progress is being made. The facts bely it, however, unless it is assumed that America has another century to deal with its racial inequalities. Others, more pompous, will blame the situation on those peoples inability to pick themselves up, not understanding the automatic way in which such a system can frustrate reform efforts and diminish the aspirations of the oppressed. The one-party system in the South, attached to the Dixiecrat-Republican complex nationally, cuts off the Negros independent powers as a citizen. Discrimination in employment, along with labors accomodation to the lily-white hiring practises, guarantees the lowest slot in the economic order to the nonwhite. North or South, these oppressed are conditioned by their inheritance and their surroundings to expect more of the same: in housing, schools, recreation, travel, all their potential is circumscribed, thwarted and often extinguished. Automation grinds up job opportunities, and ineffective or non-existent retraining programs make the already-handicapped nonwhite even less equipped to participate in technological progress. Horatio Alger Americans typically believe that the nonwhites are being accepted and rising gradually. They see more Negroes on television and so assume that Negroes are better off. They hear the President talking about Negroes and so assume they are politically represented. They are aware of black peoples in the United Nations and so assume that the world is generally moving toward integration. They dont drive through the South, or through the slum areas of the big cities, so they assume that squalor and naked exploitation are disappearing. They express generalities about time and gradualism to hide the fact that they dont know what is happening. The advancement of the Negro and other nonwhites in America has not been altogether by means of the crusades of liberalism, but rather through unavoidable changes in social structure. The economic pressures of World War II opened new jobs, new mobility, new insights to Southern Negroes, who then began great migrations from the South to the bigger urban areas of the North where their absolute wage was greater, though unchanged in relation to the white man of the same stratum. More important than the World War II openings was the colonial revolution. The world-wide upsurge of dark peoples against white colonial domination stirred the separation and created an urgancy among American Negroes, while simultaneously it threatened the power structure of the United States enough to produce concessions to the Negro. Produced by outer pressure from the newly-moving peoples rather than by the internal conscience of the Federal government, the gains were keyed to improving the American image more than to reconstructing the society that prospered on top of its minorities. Thus the historic Supreme Court decision of 1954, theoretically desegregating Southern schools, was more a proclamation than a harbinger of social change -- and is reflected as such in the fraction of Southern school districts which have desegregated, with Federal officials doing little to spur the process. It has been said that the Kennedy administration did more in two years than the Eisenhower administration did in eight. Of this there can be no doubt. But it is analogous to comparing whispers to silence when positively stentorian tones are demanded. President Kennedy lept ahead of the Eisenhower record when he made his second reference to the racial problem Eisenhower did not utter a meaningful public statement until his last month in office when he mentioned the blemish of bigotry. To avoid conflict with the Dixiecrat-Republican alliance, President Kennedy has developed a civil rights philosophy of enforcement, not enactment, implying that existing statuatory tools are sufficient to change the lot of the Negro. So far he has employed executive power usefully to appoint Negroes to various offices, and seems interested in seeing the Southern Negro registered to vote. On the other hand, he has appointed at least four segregationist judges in areas where voter registration is a desperate need. Only two civil rights bills, one to abolish the poll tax in five states and another to prevent unfair use of literacy tests in registration, have been proposed -- the President giving active support to neither. But even this legislation, lethargically supported, then defeated, was intended to extend only to Federal elections. More important, the Kennedy interest in voter registration has not been supplemented with interest in giving the Southern Negro the economic protection that only trade unions can provide. It seems evident that the President is attempting to win the Negro permanently to the Democratic Party without basically disturbing the reactionary one-party oligarchy in the South. Moreover, the administration is decidedly cool (a phrase of Robert Kennedys) toward mass nonviolent movements in the South, though by the support of racist Dixiecrats the Administration makes impossible gradual action through conventional channels. The Federal Bureau of Investigation in the South is composed of Southerners and their intervention in situations of racial tension is always after the incident, not before. Kennedy has refused to enforce the legal prerogative to keep Federal marshals active in Southern areas before, during and after any situations (this would invite Negroes to exercise their rights and it would infuriate the Southerners in Congress because of its insulting features). While corrupt politicians, together with business interests happy with the absence of organized labor in Southern states and with the 50 billion in profits that results from paying the Negro half a white wage, stymie and slow fundamental progress, it remains to be appreciated that the ultimate wages of discrimination are paid by individuals and not by the state. Indeed the other sides of the economic, political and sociological coins of racism represent their more profound implications in the private lives, liberties and pursuits of happiness of the citizen. While hungry nonwhites the world around assume rightful dominance, the majority of Americans fight to keep integrated housing out of the suburbs. While a fully interracial world becomes a biological probability, most Americans persist in opposing marriage between the races. While cultures generally interpenetrate, white America is ignorant still of nonwhite America -- and perhaps glad of it. The white lives almost completely within his immediate, close-up world where things are tolerable, there are no Negroes except on the bus corner going to and from work, and where it is important that daughter marry right. White, like might, makes right in America today. Not knowing the nonwhite, however, the white knows something less than himself. Not comfortable around different people, he reclines in whiteness instead of preparing for diversity. Refusing to yield objective social freedoms to the nonwhite, the white loses his personal subjective freedom by turning away from all these damn causes. White American ethnocentrism at home and abroad reflect most sharply the self-deprivation suffered by the majority of our country which effectively makes it an isolated minority in the world community of culture and fellowship. The awe inspired by the pervasiveness of racism in American life is only matched by the marvel of its historical span in American traditions. The national heritage of racial discrimination via slavery has been a part of America since Christopher Columbus advent on the new continent. As such, racism not only antedates the Republic and the thirteen Colonies, but even the use of the English language in this hemisphere. And it is well that we keep this as a background when trying to understand why racism stands as such a steadfast pillar in the culture and custom of the country. Racial-xenophobia is reflected in the admission of various racial stocks to the country. From the nineteenth century Oriental Exclusion Acts to the most recent up-dating of the Walter-McCarren Immigration Acts the nation has shown a continuous contemptuous regard for nonwhites. More recently, the tragedies of Hiroshima and Korematsu, and our cooperation with Western Europe in the United Nations add treatment to the thoroughness of racist overtones in national life. But the right to refuse service to anyone is no longer reserved to the Americans. The minority groups, internationally, are changing place. How to end the Cold War How to increase democracy in America These are the decisive issues confronting liberal and socialist forces today. To us, the issues are intimately related, the struggle for one invariably being a struggle for the other. What policy and structural alternatives are needed to obtain these ends Universal controlled disarmament must replace deterrence and arms control as the national defense goal. The strategy of mutual threat can only temporarily prevent thermonuclear war, and it cannot but erode democratic institutions here while consolidating oppressive institutions in the Soviet Union. Yet American leadership, while giving rhetorical due to the ideal of disarmament, persists in accepting mixed deterrence as its policy formula: under Kennedy we have seen first-strike and second-strike weapons, counter-military and counter-population inventions, tactical atomic weapons and guerilla warriors, etc. The convenient rationalization that our weapons potpourri will confuse the enemy into fear of misbehaving is absurd and threatening. Our own intentions, once clearly retaliatory, are now ambiguous since the President has indicated we might in certain circumstances be the first to use nuclear weapons. We can expect that Russia will become more anxious herself, and perhaps even prepare to preempt us, and we (expecting the worst from the Russians) will nervously consider preemption ourselves. The symmetry of threat and counter-threat lead not to stability but to the edge of hell. It is necessary that America make disarmament, not nuclear deterrence, credible to the Soviets and to the world. That is, disarmament should be continually avowed as a national goal concrete plans should be presented at conference tables real machinery for a disarming and disarmed world -- national and international -- should be created while the disarming process itself goes on. The long-standing idea of unilateral initiative should be implemented as a basic feature of American disarmament strategy: initiatives that are graduated in their potential, accompanied by invitations to reciprocate when done regardless of reciprocation, openly significant period of future time. Their should not be to strip America of weapon, produce a climate in which disarmament can be with less mutual hostility and threat. They might include: a unilateral nuclear test moratorium, withdrawal of several bases near the Soviet Union, proposals to experiment in disarmament by stabilization of zone of controversy cessation of all apparent first-strike preparations, such as the development of 41 Polaris by 1963 while naval theorists state that about 45 constitutes a provocative force inviting a special United Nations agency to observe and inspect the launchings of all American flights into outer space and numerous others. There is no simple formula for the content of an actual disarmament treaty. It should be phased: perhaps on a region-by-region basis, the conventional weapons first. It should be conclusive, not open-ended, in its projection. It should be controlled: national inspection systems are adequate at first, but should be soon replaced by international devices and teams. It should be more than denuding: world or at least regional enforcement agencies, an international civil service and inspection service, and other supranational groups must come into reality under the United Nations. 2. Disarmament should be see as a political issue, not a technical problem. Should this years Geneva negotiations have resulted (by magic) in a disarmament agreement, the United States Senate would have refused to ratify it, a domestic depression would have begun instantly, and every fiber of American life would be wrenched drastically: these are indications not only of our unpreparedness for disarmament, but also that disarmament is not just another policy shift. Disarmament means a deliberate shift in most of our domestic and foreign policy. It will involve major changes in economic direction. Government intervention in new areas, government regulation of certain industrial price and investment practices to prevent inflation, full use of national productive capacities, and employment for every person in a dramatically expanding economy all are to be expected as the price of peace. It will involve the simultaneous creation of international rulemaking and enforcement machinery beginning under the United Nations, and the gradual transfer of sovereignties -- such as national armies and national determination of international law -- to such machinery. It will involve the initiation of an explicitly political -- as opposed to military -- foreign policy on the part of the two major superstates. Neither has formulated the political terms in which they would conduct their behavior in a disarming or disarmed world. Neither dares to disarm until such an understanding is reached. A crucial feature of this political understanding must be the acceptance of status quo possessions. According to the universality principle all present national entities -- including the Vietnams, the Koreans, the Chinas, and the Germanys -- should be members of the United Nations as sovereign, no matter how desirable, states. Russia cannot be expected to negotiate disarmament treaties for the Chinese. We should not feed Chinese fanaticism with our encirclement but Chinese stomachs with the aim of making war contrary to Chinese policy interests. Every day that we support anti-communist tyrants but refuse to even allow the Chinese Communists representation in the United Nations marks a greater separation of our ideals and our actions, and it makes more likely bitter future relations with the Chinese. Second, we should recognize that an authoritarian Germanys insistence on reunification, while knowing the impossibility of achieving it with peaceful means, could only generate increasing frustrations among the population and nationalist sentiments which frighten its Eastern neighbors who have historical reasons to suspect Germanic intentions. President Kennedy himself told the editor of Izvestia that he fears an independent Germany with nuclear arms, but American policies have not demonstrated cognisance of the fact that Chancellor Adenauer too, is interested in continued East-West tensions over the Germany and Berlin problems and nuclear arms precisely because this is the rationale for extending his domestic power and his influence upon the NATO-Common Market alliance. A world war over Berlin would be absurd. Anyone concurring with such a proposition should demand that the West cease its contradictory advocacy of reunification of Germany through free elections and a rearmed Germany in NATO. It is a dangerous illusion to assume that Russia will hand over East Germany to a rearmed re-united Germany which will enter the Western camp, although this Germany might have a Social Democratic majority which could prevent a reassertion of German nationalism. We have to recognize that the cold war and the incorporation of Germany into the two power blocs was a decision of both Moscow and Washington, of both Adenauer and Ulbricht. The immediate responsibility for the Berlin wall is Ulbrichts. But it had to be expected that a regime which was bad enough to make people flee is also bad enough to prevent them from fleeing. The inhumanity of the Berlin wall is an ironic symbol of the irrationality of the cold war, which keeps Adenauer and Ulbricht in power. A reduction of the tension over Berlin, if by internationalization or by recognition of the status quo and reducing provocations, is a necessary but equally temporary measure which could not ultimately reduce the basic cold war tension to which Berlin owes its precarious situation. The Berlin problem cannot be solved without reducing tensions in Europe, possibly by a bilateral military disengagement and creating a neutralized buffer zone. Even if Washington and Moscow were in favor disengagement, both Adenauer and Ulbricht would never agree to it because cold war keeps their parties in power. Until their regimes departure from the scene of history, the Berlin status quo will have to be maintained while minimizing the tensions necessarily arising from it. Russia cannot expect the United States to tolerate its capture by the Ulbricht regime, but neither can America expect to be in a position to indefinitely use Berlin as a fortress within the communist world. As a fair and bilateral disengagement in Central Europe seems to be impossible for the time being, a mutual recognition of the Berlin status quo, that is, of West Berlins and East Germanys security, is needed. And it seems to be possible, although the totalitarian regime of East Germany and the authoritarian leadership of West Germany until now succeeded in frustrating all attempts to minimize the dangerous tensions of cold war. The strategy of securing the status quo of the two power blocs until it is possible to depolarize the world by creating neutralist regions in all trouble zones seems to be the only way to guarantee peace at this time. 4. Experiments in disengagement and demilitarization must be conducted as part of the total disarming process. These disarmament experiments can be of several kinds, so long as they are consistent with the principles of containing the arms race and isolating specific sectors of the world from the Cold War power-play. First, it is imperative that no more nations be supplied with, or locally produce, nuclear weapons. A 1959 report of the National Academy of Arts and Sciences predicted that 19 nations would be so armed in the near future. Should this prediction be fulfilled, the prospects of war would be unimaginably expanded. For this reason the United States, Great Britain and the Soviet Union should band against France (which wants its own independent deterrent) and seek, through United Nations or other machinery, the effective prevention of the spread of atomic weapons. This would involve not only declarations of denuclearization in whole areas of Latin America, Africa, Asia and Europe, but would attempt to create inspection machinery to guarantee the peaceful use of atomic energy. Second, the United States should reconsider its increasingly outmoded European defense framework, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Since its creation in 1949, NATO has assumed increased strength in overall determination of Western military policy, but has become less and less relevant to its original purpose, which was the defense of Central Europe. To be sure, after the Czech coup of 1948, it might have appeared that the Soviet Union was on the verge of a full-scale assault on Europe. But that onslaught has not materialized, not so much because of NATOs existence but because of the general unimportance of much of Central Europe to the Soviets. Today, when even American-based ICBMs could smash Russia minutes after an invasion of Europe, when the Soviets have no reason to embark on such an invasion, and when thaw sectors are desperately needed to brake the arms race, one of at least threatening but most promising courses for American would be toward the gradual diminishment of the NATO forces, coupled with the negotiated disengagement of parts of Central Europe. It is especially crucial that this be done while America is entering into favorable trade relations with the European Economic Community: such a gesture, combining economic ambition with less dependence on the military, would demonstrate the kind of competitive co-existence America intends to conduct with the communist-bloc nations. If the disengaged states were the two Germanies, Poland and Czechoslovakia, several other benefits would accrue. First, the United States would be breaking with the lip-service commitment to liberation of Eastern Europe which has contributed so much to Russian fears and intransigence, while doing too little about actual liberation. But the end of liberation as a proposed policy would not signal the end of American concern for the oppressed in East Europe. On the contrary, disengagement would be a real, rather than a rhetorical, effort to ease military tensions, thus undermining the Russian argument for tighter controls in East Europe based on the menace of capitalist encirclement. This policy, geared to the needs of democratic elements in the satellites, would develop a real bridge between East and West across the two most pro-Western Russian satellites. The Russians in the past have indicated some interest in such a plan, including the demilitarization of the Warsaw pact countries. Their interest should be publicly tested. If disengagement could be achieved, a major zone could be removed from the Cold War, the German problem would be materially diminished, and the need for NATO would diminish, and attitudes favorable to disarming would be generated. Needless to say, those proposals are much different than what is currently being practised and praised. American military strategists are slowly acceeding to the NATO demand for an independent deterrent, based on the fear that America might not defend Europe from military attack. These tendencies strike just the opposite chords in Russia than those which would be struck by disengagement themes: the chords of military alertness, based on the fact that NATO (bulwarked by the German Wehrmacht) is preparing to attack Eastern Europe or the Soviet Union. Thus the alarm which underlies the NATO proposal for an independent deterrent is likely itself to bring into existence the very Russian posture that was the original cause of fear. Armaments spiral and belligerence will carry the day, not disengagement and negotiation. The Industrialization of the World Many Americans are prone to think of the industrialization of the newlydeveloped countries as a modern form of American noblesse, undertaken sacrificially for the benefit of others. On the contrary, the task of world industrialization, of eliminating the disparity between have and have-not nations, is as important as any issue facing America. The colonial revolution signals the end of an era for the old Western powers and a time of new beginnings for most of the people of the earth. In the course of these upheavals, many problems will emerge: American policies must be revised or accelerated in several ways. The United States principal goal should be creating a world where hunger, poverty, disease, ignorance, violence, and exploitation are replaced as central features by abundance, reason, love, and international cooperation. To many this will seem the product of juvenile hallucination: but we insist it is a more realistic goal than is a world of nuclear stalemate. Some will say this is a hope beyond all bounds: but is far better to us to have positive vision than a hard headed resignation. Some will sympathize, but claim it is impossible: if so, then, we, not Fate, are the responsible ones, for we have the means at our disposal. We should not give up the attempt for fear of failure. We should undertake here and now a fifty-year effort to prepare for all nations the conditions of industrialization. Even with far more capital and skill than we now import to emerging areas, serious prophets expect that two generations will pass before accelerating industrialism is a worldwide act. The needs are numerous: every nation must build an adequate intrastructure (transportation, communication, land resources, waterways) for future industrial growth there must be industries suited to the rapid development of differing raw materials and other resources education must begin on a continuing basis for everyone in the society, especially including engineering and technical training technical assistance from outside sources must be adequate to meet present and long-term needs atomic power plants must spring up to make electrical energy available. With Americas idle productive capacity, it is possible to begin this process immediately without changing our military allocations. This might catalyze a peace race since it would demand a response of such magnitude from the Soviet Union that arms spending and coexistence spending would become strenuous, perhaps impossible, for the Soviets to carry on simultaneously. We should not depend significantly on private enterprise to do the job. Many important projects will not be profitable enough to entice the investment of private capital. The total amount required is far beyond the resources of corporate and philanthropic concerns. The new nations are suspicious, legitimately, of foreign enterprises dominating their national life. World industrialization is too huge an undertaking to be formulated or carried out by private interests. Foreign economic assistance is a national problem, requiring long range planning, integration with other domestic and foreign policies, and considerable public debate and analysis. Therefore the Federal government should have primary responsibility in this area. We should not lock the development process into the Cold War: we should view it as a way of ending that conflict. When President Kennedy declared that we must aid those who need aid because it is right, he was unimpeachably correct -- now principle must become practice. We should reverse the trend of aiding corrupt anti-communist regimes. To support dictators like Diem while trying to destroy ones like Castro will only enforce international cynicism about American principle, and is bound to lead to even more authoritarian revolutions, especially in Latin America where we did not even consider foreign aid until Castro had challenged the status quo. We should end the distinction between communist hunger and anti-communist hunger. To feed only anticommunists is to directly fatten men like Boun Oum, to incur the wrath of real democrats, and to distort our own sense of human values. We must cease seeing development in terms of communism and capitalism. To fight communism by capitalism in the newly-developing areas is to fundamentally misunderstand the international hatred of imperialism and colonialism and to confuse and needs of 19th century industrial America with those of contemporary nations. Quite fortunately, we are edging away from the Dullesian either-or foreign policy ultimatum towards an uneasy acceptance of neutralism and nonalignment. If we really desire the end of the Cold War, we should now welcome nonalignment -- that is, the creation of whole blocs of nations concerned with growth and with independently trying to break out of the Cold War apparatus. Finally, while seeking disarmament as the genuine deterrent, we should shift from financial support of military regimes to support of national development. Real security cannot be gained by propping up military defenses, but only through the hastening of political stability, economic growth, greater social welfare, improved education. Military aid is temporary in nature, a shoring up measure that only postpones crisis. In addition, it tends to divert the allocations of the nation being defended to supplementary military spending (Pakistans budget is 70 oriented to defense measures). Sometimes it actually creates crisis situations, as in Latin America where we have contributed to the growth of national armies which are opposed generally to sweeping democratization. Finally, if we are really generous, it is harder for corrupt governments to exploit unfairly economic aid -- especially if it is to plentiful that rulers cannot blame the absence of real reforms on anything but their own power lusts. 5. America should show its commitment to democratic institutions not by withdrawing support from undemocratic regimes, but by making domestic democracy exemplary. Worldwide amusement, cynicism and hatred toward the United States as a democracy is not simply a communist propaganda trick, but an objectively justifiable phenomenon. If respect for democracy is to be international, then the significance of democracy must emanate from America shores, not from the soft sell of the United States Information Agency. 6. America should agree that public utilities, railroads, mines, and plantations, and other basic economic institutions should be in the control of national, not foreign, agencies. The destiny of any country should be determined by its nationals, not by outsiders with economic interests within. We should encourage our investors to turn over their foreign holdings (or at least 50 of the stock) to the national governments of the countries involved. 7. Foreign aid should be given through international agencies, primarily the United Nations. The need is to eliminate political overtones, to the extent possible, from economic development. The use of international agencies, with interests transcending those of American or Russian self-interest, is the feasible means of working on sound development. Second, internationalization will allow more long-range planning, integrate development plans adjacent countries and regions may have, and eliminate the duplication built into national systems of foreign aid. Third, it would justify more strictness of supervision than is now the case with American foreign aid efforts, but with far less chance of suspicion on the part of the developing countries. Fourth, the humiliating hand-out effect would be replaced by the joint participation of all nations in the general development of the earths resources and industrial capacities. Fifth, it would eliminate national tensions, e. g. between Japan and some Southeast Asian areas, which now impair aid programs by disguising nationalities in the common pooling of funds. Sixth, it would make easier the task of stabilizing the world market prices of basic commodities, alleviating the enormous threat that decline in prices of commodity exports might cancel out the gains from foreign aid in the new nations. Seventh, it would improve the possibilities of non-exploitative development, especially in creating soft-credit rotating-fund agencies which would not require immediate progress or financial return. Finally, it would enhance the importance of the United Nations itself, as the disarming process would enhance the UN as a rule-enforcement agency. 8. Democratic theory must confront the problems inherent in social revolutions. For Americans concerned with the development of democratic societies, the anti-colonial movements and revolutions in the emerging nations pose serious problems. We need to face these problems with humility: after 180 years of constitutional government we are still striving for democracy in our own society. We must acknowledge that democracy and freedom do not magically occur, but have roots in historical experience they cannot always be demanded for any society at any time, but must be nurtured and facilitated. We must avoid the arbitrary projection of Anglo-Saxon democratic forms onto different cultures. Instead of democratic capitalism we should anticipate more or less authoritarian variants of socialism and collectivism in many emergent societies. But we do not abandon our critical faculties. Insofar as these regimes represent a genuine realization of national independence, and are engaged in constructing social systems which allow for personal meaning and purpose where exploitation once was, economic systems which work for the people where once they oppressed them, and political systems which allow for the organization and expression of minority opinion and dissent, we recognize their revolutionary and positive character. Americans can contribute to the growth of democracy in such societies not by moralizing, nor by indiscriminate prejudgment, but by retaining a critical identification with these nations, and by helping them to avoid external threats to their independence. Together with students and radicals in these nations we need to develop a reasonable theory of democracy which is concretely applicable to the cultures and conditions of hungry people. TOWARDS AMERICAN DEMOCRACY Every effort to end the Cold War and expand the process of world industrialization is an effort hostile to people and institutions whose interests lie in perpetuation of the East-West military threat and the postponement of change in the have not nations of the world. Every such effort, too, is bound to establish greater democracy in America. The major goals of a domestic effort would be: America must abolish its political party stalemate. Two genuine parties, centered around issues and essential values, demanding allegiance to party principles shall supplant the current system of organized stalemate which is seriously inadequate to a world in flux. It has long been argued that the very overlapping of American parties guarantees that issues will be considered responsibly, that progress will be gradual instead of intemperate, and that therefore America will remain stable instead of torn by class strife. On the contrary: the enormous party overlap itself confuses issues and makes responsible presentation of choice to the electorate impossible, that guarantees Congressional listlessness and the drift of power to military and economic bureaucracies, that directs attention away from the more fundamental causes of social stability, such as a huge middle class, Keynesian economic techniques and Madison Avenue advertising. The ideals of political democracy, then, the imperative need for flexible decision-making apparatus makes a real two-party system an immediate social necessity. What is desirable is sufficient party disagreement to dramatize major issues, yet sufficient party overlap to guarantee stable transitions from administration to administration. Every time the President criticizes a recalcitrant Congress, we must ask that he no longer tolerate the Southern conservatives in the Democratic Party. Every time in liberal representative complains that we cant expect everything at once we must ask if we received much of anything from Congress in the last generation. Every time he refers to circumstances beyond control we must ask why he fraternizes with racist scoundrels. Every time he speaks of the unpleasantness of personal and party fighting we should insist that pleasantry with Dixiecrats is inexcusable when the dark peoples of the world call for American support. 2. Mechanisms of voluntary association must be created through which political information can be imparted and political participation encouraged. Political parties, even if realigned, would not provide adequate outlets for popular involvement. Institutions should be created that engage people with issues and express political preference, not as now with huge business lobbies which exercise undemocratic power, but which carry political influence (appropriate to private, rather than public, groupings) in national decision-making enterprise. Private in nature, these should be organized around single issues (medical care, transportation systems reform, etc.), concrete interest (labor and minority group organizations), multiple issues or general issues. These do not exist in America in quantity today. If they did exist, they would be a significant politicizing and educative force bringing people into touch with public life and affording them means of expression and action. Today, giant lobby representatives of business interests are dominant, but not educative. The Federal government itself should counter the latter forces whose intent is often public deceit for private gain, by subsidizing the preparation and decentralized distribution of objective materials on all public issues facing government. 3. Institutions and practices which stifle dissent should be abolished, and the promotion of peaceful dissent should be actively promoted. The first Amendment freedoms of speech, assembly, thought, religion and press should be seen as guarantees, not threats, to national security. While society has the right to prevent active subversion of its laws and institutions, it has the duty as well to promote open discussion of all issues -- otherwise it will be in fact promoting real subversion as the only means to implementing ideas. To eliminate the fears and apathy from national life it is necessary that the institutions bred by fear and apathy be rooted out: the House Un-American Activities Committee, the Senate Internal Security Committee, the loyalty oaths on Federal loans, the Attorney Generals list of subversive organizations, the Smith and McCarren Acts. The process of eliminating these blighting institutions is the process of restoring democratic participation. Their existence is a sign of the decomposition and atrophy of the participation. 4. Corporations must be made publicly responsible. It is not possible to believe that true democracy can exist where a minority utterly controls enormous wealth and power. The influence of corporate elites on foreign policy is neither reliable nor democratic a way must be found to be subordinate private American foreign investment to a democratically-constructed foreign policy. The influence of the same giants on domestic life is intolerable as well a way must be found to direct our economic resources to genuine human needs, not the private needs of corporations nor the rigged needs of maneuvered citizenry. We can no longer rely on competition of the many to insure that business enterprise is responsive to social needs. The many have become the few. Nor can we trust the corporate bureaucracy to be socially responsible or to develop a corporate conscience that is democratic. The community of interest of corporations, the anarchic actions of industrial leaders, should become structurally responsible to the people -- and truly to the people rather than to an ill-defined and questionable national interest. Labor and government as presently constituted are not sufficient to regulate corporations. A new re-ordering, a new calling of responsibility is necessary: more than changing work rules we must consider changes in the rules of society by challenging the unchallenged politics of American corporations. Before the government can really begin to control business in a public interest, the public must gain more substantial control of government: this demands a movement for political as well as economic realignments. We are aware that simple government regulation, if achieved, would be inadequate without increased worker participation in management decision-making, strengthened and independent regulatory power, balances of partial andor complete public ownership, various means of humanizing the conditions and types of work itself, sweeping welfare programs and regional public government authorities. These are examples of measures to re-balance the economy toward public -- and individual -- control. 5. The allocation of resources must be based on social needs. A truly public sector must be established, and its nature debated and planned. At present the majority of Americas public sector, the largest part of our public spending, is for the military. When great social needs are so pressing, our concept of government spending is wrapped up in the permanent war economy. In fact, if war is to be avoided, the permanent war economy must be seen as an interim war economy. At some point, America must return to other mechanisms of economic growth besides public military spending. We must plan economically in peace. The most likely, and least desirable, return would be in the form of private enterprise. The undesirability lies in the fact of inherent capitalist instability, noticeable even with bolstering effects of government intervention. In the most recent post-war recessions, for example, private expenditures for plant and equipment dropped from 16 billion to 11.5 billion, while unemployment surged to nearly six million. By good fortune, investments in construction industries remained level, else an economic depression would have occurred. This will recur, and our growth in national per capita living standards will remain unsensational while the economy stagnates. The main private forces of economic expansion cannot guarantee a steady rate of growth, nor acceptable recovery from recession -- especially in a demilitarizing world. Government participation in the economy is essential. Such participation will inevitably expand enormously, because the stable growth of the economy demands increasing public investments yearly. Our present outpour of more than 500 billion might double in a generation, irreversibly involving government solutions. And in future recessions, the compensatory fiscal action by the government will be the only means of avoiding the twin disasters of greater unemployment and a slackening rate of growth. Furthermore, a close relationship with the European Common Market will involve competition with numerous planned economies and may aggravate American unemployment unless the economy here is expanding swiftly enough to create new jobs. All these tendencies suggest that not only solutions to our present social needs but our future expansion rests upon our willingness to enlarge the public sector greatly. Unless we choose war as an economic solvent, future public spending will be of a non-military nature -- a major intervention into civilian production by the government. The issues posed by this development are enormous: How should public vs. private domain be determined We suggest these criteria: 1) when a resource has been discovered or developed with public tax revenues, such as a space communications system, it should remain a public source, not be given away to private enterprise when monopolization seems inevitable, the public should maintain control of an industry 3) when national objectives contradict seriously with business objectives as to the use of the resource, the public need should prevail. How should technological advances be introduced into a society By a public process, based on publicly-determined needs. Technological innovations should not be postponed from social use by private corporations in order to protect investment in older equipment. How shall the public sector be made public, and not the arena of a ruling bureaucracy of public servants By steadfast opposition to bureaucratic coagulation, and to definitions of human needs according to problems easiest for computers to solve. Second, the bureaucratic pileups must be at least minimized by local, regional, and national economic planning -- responding to the interconnection of public problems by comprehensive programs of solution. Third, and most important, by experiments in decentralization, based on the vision of man as master of his machines and his society. The personal capacity to cope with life has been reduced everywhere by the introduction of technology that only minorities of men (barely) understand. How the process can be reversed and we believe it can be -- is one of the greatest sociological and economic tasks before human people today. Polytechnical schooling, with the individual adjusting to several work and life experiences, is one method. The transfer of certain mechanized tasks back into manual forms, allowing men to make whole, not partial, products, is not unimaginable. Our monster cities, based historically on the need for mass labor, might now be humanized, broken into smaller communities, powered by nuclear energy, arranged according to community decision. These are but a fraction of the opportunities of the new era: serious study and deliberate experimentation, rooted in a desire for human fraternity, may now result in blueprints of civic paradise. America should concentrate on its genuine social priorities: abolish squalor, terminate neglect, and establish an environment for people to live in with dignity and creativeness. A program against poverty must be just as sweeping as the nature of poverty itself. It must not be just palliative, but directed to the abolition of the structural circumstances of poverty. At a bare minimum it should include a housing act far larger than the one supported by the Kennedy Administration, but one that is geared more to low-and middleincome needs than to the windfall aspirations of small and large private entrepreneurs, one that is more sympathetic to the quality of communal life than to the efficiency of city-split highways. Second, medical care must become recognized as a lifetime human right just as vital as food, shelter and clothing -- the Federal government should guarantee health insurance as a basic social service turning medical treatment into a social habit, not just an occasion of crisis, fighting sickness among the aged, not just by making medical care financially feasible but by reducing sickness among children and younger people. Third, existing institutions should be expanded so the Welfare State cares for everyones welfare according to read. Social security payments should be extended to everyone and should be proportionately greater for the poorest. A minimum wage of at least 1.50 should be extended to all workers (including the 16 million currently not covered at all). Equal educational opportunity is an important part of the battle against poverty. A full-scale public initiative for civil rights should be undertaken despite the clamor among conservatives (and liberals) about gradualism, property rights, and law and order. The executive and legislative branches of the Federal government should work by enforcement and enactment against any form of exploitation of minority groups. No Federal cooperation with racism is tolerable -- from financing of schools, to the development of Federally-supported industry, to the social gatherings of the President. Laws bastcuing school desegregation, voting rights, and economic protection for Negroes are needed right now. The moral force of the Executive Office should be exerted against the Dixiecrats specifically, and the national complacency about the race question generally. Especially in the North, where one-half of the countrys Negro people now live, civil rights is not a problem to be solved in isolation from other problems. The fight against poverty, against slums, against the stalemated Congress, against McCarthyism, are all fights against the discrimination that is nearly endemic to all areas of American life. The promise and problems of long-range Federal economic development should be studied more constructively. It is an embarrassing paradox that the Tennessee Valley Authority is a wonder to foreign visitors but a radical and barely influential project to most Americans. The Kennedy decision to permit private facilities to transmit power from the 1 billion Colorado River Storage Project is a disastrous one, interposing privately-owned transmitters between public-owned power generators and their publicly (and cooperatively) owned distributors. The contracy trend, to public ownership of power, should be generated in an experimental way. The Area Redevelopment Act of 1961 is a first step in recognizing the underdeveloped areas of the United States, but is only a drop in the bucket financially and is not keyed to public planning and public works on a broad scale, but only to a few loan programs to lure industries and some grants to improve public facilities to lure industries. The current public works bill in Congress is needed and a more sweeping, higher priced program of regional development with a proliferation of TVAs in such areas as the Appalachian region are needed desperately. It has been rejected by Mississippi already however, because of the improvement it bodes for the unskilled Negro worker. This program should be enlarged, given teeth, and pursued rigorously by Federal authorities. d. We must meet the growing complex of city problems over 90 of Americans will live in urban areas in the next two decades. Juvenile delinquency, untended mental illness, crime increase, slums, urban tenantry and uncontrolled housing, the isolation of the individual in the city -- all are problems of the city and are major symptoms of the present system of economic priorities and lack of public planning. Private property control (the real estate lobby and a few selfish landowners and businesses) is as devastating in the cities as corporations are on the national level. But there is no comprehensive way to deal with these problems now midst competing units of government, dwindling tax resources, suburban escapism (saprophitic to the sick central cities), high infrastructure costs and on one to pay them. The only solutions are national and regional. Federalism has thus far failed here because states are rural-dominated the Federal government has had to operate by bootlegging and trickle-down measures dominated by private interests, and the cities themselves have not been able to catch up with their appendages through annexation or federation. A new external challenge is needed, not just a Department of Urban Affairs but a thorough national program to help the cities. The model city must be projected -- more community decision-making and participation, true integration of classes, races, vocations -- provision for beauty, access to nature and the benefits of the central city as well, privacy without privatism, decentralized units spread horizontally with central, regional, democratic control -- provision for the basic facility-needs, for everyone, with units of planned regions and thus public, democratic control over the growth of the civic community and the allocation of resources. e. Mental health institutions are in dire need there were fewer mental hospital beds in relation to the numbers of mentally-ill in 1959 than there were in 1948. Public hospitals, too, are seriously wanting existing structures alone need an estimated 1 billion for rehabilitation. Tremendous staff and faculty needs exist as well, and there are not enough medical students enrolled today to meet the anticipated needs of the future. f. Our prisons are too often the enforcers of misery. They must be either re-oriented to rehabilitative work through public supervision or be abolished for their dehumanizing social effects. Funds are needed, too, to make possible a decent prison environment. g. Education is too vital a public problem to be completely entrusted to the province of the various states and local units. In fact, there is no good reason why America should not progress now toward internationalizing rather than localizing, its educational system -- children and young adults studying everywhere in the world, through a United Nations program, would go far to create mutual understanding. In the meantime, the need for teachers and classrooms in America is fantastic. This is an area where minimal requirements hardly should be considered as a goal -- there always are improvements to be made in the educational system, e. g. smaller classes and many more teachers for them, programs to subsidize the education of the poor but bright, etc. h. America should eliminate agricultural policies based on scarcity and pent-up surplus. In America and foreign countries there exist tremendous needs for more food and balanced diets. The Federal government should finance small farmers cooperatives, strengthen programs of rural electrification, and expand policies for the distribution of agricultural surpluses throughout the world (by Foodfor - Peace and related UN programming). Marginal farmers must be helped to either become productive enough to survive industrialized agriculture or given help in making the transition out of agriculture - the current Rural Area Development program must be better coordinated with a massive national area redevelopment program. io. Science should be employed to constructively transform the conditions of life throughout the United States and the world. Yet at the present time the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare and the National Science Foundation together spend only 300 million annually for scientific purposes in contrast to the 6 billion spent by the Defense Department and the Atomic Energy Commission. One-half of all research and development in America is directly devoted to military purposes. Two imbalances must be corrected -- that of military over non-military investigation, and that of biological-natural-physical science over the sciences of human behavior. Our political system must then include planning for the human use of science: by anticipating the political consequences of scientific innovation, by directing the discovery and exploration of space, by adapting science to improved production of food, to international communications systems, to technical problems of disarmament, and so on. For the newly-developing nations, American science should focus on the study of cheap sources of power, housing and building materials, mass educational techniques, etc. Further, science and scholarship should be seen less as an apparatus of conflicting power blocs, but as a bridge toward supranational community: the International Geophysical Year is a model for continuous further cooperation between the science communities of all nations. Alternatives to Helplessness The goals we have set are not realizable next month, or even next election -- but that fact justifies neither giving up altogether nor a determination to work only on immediate, direct, tangible problems. Both responses are a sign of helplessness, fearfulness of visions, refusal to hope, and tend to bring on the very conditions to be avoided. Fearing vision, we justify rhetoric or myopia. Fearing hope, we reinforce despair. The first effort, then, should be to state a vision: what is the perimeter of human possibility in this epoch This we have tried to do. The second effort, if we are to be politically responsible, is to evaluate the prospects for obtaining at least a substantial part of that vision in our epoch: what are the social forces that exist, or that must exist, if we are to be at all successful And what role have we ourselves to play as a social force In exploring the existing social forces, note must be taken of the Southern civil rights movement as the most heartening because of the justice it insists upon, exemplary because it indicates that there can be a passage out of apathy. This movement, pushed into a brilliant new phase by the Montgomery bus boycott and the subsequent nonviolent action of the sit-ins and Freedom Rides has had three major results: first, a sense of self-determination has been instilled in millions of oppressed Negroes second, the movement has challenged a few thousand liberals to new social idealism third, a series of important concessions have been obtained, such as token school desegregation, increased Administration help, new laws, desegregation of some public facilities. But fundamental social change -- that would break the props from under Jim Crown -- has not come. Negro employment opportunity, wage levels, housing conditions, educational privileges -- these remain deplorable and relatively constant, each deprivation reinforcing the impact of the others. The Southern states, in the meantime, are strengthening the fortresses of the status quo, and are beginning to camouflage the fortresses by guile where open bigotry announced its defiance before. The white-controlled one-party system remains intact and even where the Republicans are beginning under the pressures of industrialization in the towns and suburbs, to show initiative in fostering a two-party system, all Southern state Republican Committees (save Georgia) have adopted militant segregationist platforms to attract Dixiecrats. Rural dominance remains a fact in nearly all the Southern states, although the reapportionment decision of the Supreme Court portends future power shifts to the cities. Southern politicians maintain a continuing aversion to the welfare legislation that would aid their people. The reins of the Southern economy are held by conservative businessmen who view human rights as secondary to property rights. A violent anti-communism is rooting itself in the South, and threatening even moderate voices. Add the militaristic tradition of the South, and its irrational regional mystique and one must conclude that authoritarian and reactionary tendencies are a rising obstacle to the small, voiceless, poor, and isolated democratic movements. The civil rights struggle thus has come to an impasse. To this impasse, the movement responded this year by entering the sphere of politics, insisting on citizenship rights, specifically the right to vote. The new voter registration stage of protest represents perhaps the first major attempt to exercise the conventional instruments of political democracy in the struggle for racial justice. The vote, if used strategically by the great mass of now-unregistered Negroes theoretically eligible to vote, will be decisive factor in changing the quality of Southern leadership from low demagoguery to decent statesmanship. More important, the new emphasis on the vote heralds the use of political means to solve the problems of equality in America, and it signals the decline of the short-sighted view that discrimination can be isolated from related social problems. Since the moral clarity of the civil rights movement has not always been accompanied by precise political vision, and sometimes not every by a real political consciousness, the new phase is revolutionary in its implication. The intermediate goal of the program is to secure and insure a healthy respect and realization of Constitutional liberties. This is important not only to terminate the civil and private abuses which currently characterize the region, but also to prevent the pendulum of oppression from simply swinging to an alternate extreme with a new unsophisticated electorate, after the unhappy example of the last Reconstruction. It is the ultimate objectives of the strategy which promise profound change in the politics of the nation. An increased Negro voting race in and of itself is not going to dislodge racist controls of the Southern power structure but an accelerating movement through the courts, the ballot boxes, and especially the jails is the most likely means of shattering the crust of political intransigency and creating a semblence of democratic order, on local and state levels. Linked with pressure from Northern liberals to expunge the Dixiecrats from the ranks of the Democratic Party, massive Negro voting in the South could destroy the vice-like grip reactionary Southerners have on the Congressional legislative process. 2. The broadest movement for peace in several years emerged in 1961-62. In its political orientation and goals it is much less identifiable than the movement for civil rights: it includes socialists, pacifists, liberals, scholars, militant activists, middle-class women, some professionals, many students, a few unionists. Some have been emotionally single-issue: Ban the Bomb. Some have been academically obscurantist. Some have rejected the System (sometimes both systems). Some have attempted, too, to work within the System. Amidst these conflicting streams of emphasis, however, certain basic qualities appear. The most important is that the peace movement has operated almost exclusively through peripheral institutions -- almost never through mainstream institutions. Similarly, individuals interested in peace have nonpolitical social roles that cannot be turned to the support of peace activity. Concretely, liberal religious societies, anti-war groups, voluntary associations, ad hoc committees have been the political unit of the peace movement, and its human movers have been students, teacher, housewives, secretaries, lawyers, doctors, clergy. The units have not been located in spots of major social influence, the people have not been able to turn their resources fully to the issues that concern them. The results are political ineffectiveness and personal alienation. The organizing ability of the peace movement thus is limited to the ability to state and polarize issues. It does not have an institution or the forum in which the conflicting interests can be debated. The debate goes on in corners it has little connection with the continuing process of determining allocations of resources. This process is not necessarily centralized, however much the peace movement is estranged from it. National policy, though dominated to a large degree by the power elites of the corporations and military, is still partially founded in consensus. It can be altered when there actually begins a shift in the allocation of resources and the listing of priorities by the people in the institutions which have social influence, e. g. the labor unions and the schools. As long as the debates of the peace movement form only a protest, rather than an opposition viewpoint within the centers of serious decision - making, then it is neither a movement of democratic relevance, nor is it likely to have any effectiveness except in educating more outsiders to the issue. It is vital, to be sure, that this educating go on (a heartening sign is the recent proliferation of books and journals dealing with peace and war from newly-developing countries) the possibilities for making politicians responsible to peace constituencies becomes greater. But in the long interim before the national political climate is more open to deliberate, goal-directed debate about peace issues, the dedicated peace movement might well prepare a local base, especially by establishing civic committees on the techniques of converting from military to peacetime production. To make war and peace relevant to the problems of everyday life, by relating it to the backyard (shelters), the baby (fall-out), the job (military contracts) -- and making a turn toward peace seem desirable on these same terms -- is a task the peace movement is just beginning, and can profitably continue. 3. Central to any analysis of the potential for change must be an appraisal of organized labor. It would be a-historical to disregard the immense influence of labor in making modern America a decent place in which to live. It would be confused to fail to note labors presence today as the most liberal of mainstream institutions. But it would be irresponsible not to criticize labor for losing much of the idealism that once made it a driving movement. Those who expected a labor upsurge after the 1955 AFL-CIO merger can only be dismayed that one year later, in the Stevenson-Eisenhower campaign, the AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education was able to obtain solicited 1.00 contributions from only one of every 24 unionists, and prompt only 40 of the rankand - file to vote. As a political force, labor generally has been unsuccessful in the postwar period of prosperity. It has seen the passage of the Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Griffin laws, and while beginning to receiving slightly favorable National Labor Relations Board rulings, it has made little progress against right-to-work laws. Furthermore, it has seen less than adequate action on domestic problems, especially unemployment. This labor recession has been only partly due to anti-labor politicians and corporations. Blame should be laid, too, to labor itself for not mounting an adequate movement. Labor has too often seen itself as elitist, rather than mass-oriented, and as a pressure group rather than as an 18-million member body making political demands for all America. In the first instance, the labor bureaucracy tends to be cynical toward, or afraid of, rank-and-file involvement in the work of the Union. Resolutions passed at conventions are implemented only by high-level machinations, not by mass mobilization of the unionists. Without a significant base, labors pressure function is materially reduced since it becomes difficult to hold political figures accountable to a movement that cannot muster a vote from a majority of its members. There are some indications, however, that labor might regain its missing idealism. First, there are signs within the movement: of worker discontent with the economic progress, of collective bargaining, of occasional splits among union leaders on questions such as nuclear testing or other Cold War issues. Second, and more important, are the social forces which prompt these feelings of unrest. Foremost is the permanence of unemployment, and the threat of automation, but important, too, is the growth of unorganized ranks in white-collar fields with steady depletion in the already-organized fields. Third, there is the tremendous challenge of the Negro movement for support from organized labor: the alienation from and disgust with labor hypocrisy among Negroes ranging from the NAACP to the Black Muslims (crystallized in the formation of the Negro American Labor Council) indicates that labor must move more seriously in its attempts to organize on an interracial basis in the South and in large urban centers. When this task was broached several years ago, jurisdictional disputes prevented action. Today, many of these disputes have been settled -- and the question of a massive organizing campaign is on the labor agenda again. These threats and opportunities point to a profound crisis: either labor continues to decline as a social force, or it must constitute itself as a mass political force demanding not only that society recognize its rights to organize but also a program going beyond desired labor legislation and welfare improvements. Necessarily this latter role will require rank-and-file involvement. It might include greater autonomy and power for political coalitions of the various trade unions in local areas, rather than the more stultifying dominance of the international unions now. It might include reductions in leaders salaries, or rotation from executive office to shop obligations, as a means of breaking down the hierarchical tendencies which have detached elite from base and made the highest echelons of labor more like businessmen than workers. It would certainly mean an announced independence of the center and Dixiecrat wings of the Democratic Party, and a massive organizing drive, especially in the South to complement the growing Negro political drive there. A new politics must include a revitalized labor movement a movement which sees itself, and is regarded by others, as a major leader of the breakthrough to a politics of hope and vision. Labors role is no less unique or important in the needs of the future than it was in the past, its numbers and potential political strength, its natural interest in the abolition of exploitation, its reach to the grass roots of American society, combine to make it the best candidate for the synthesis of the civil rights, peace, and economic reform movements. The creation of bridges is made more difficult by the problems left over from the generation of silence. Middle class students, still the main actors in the embryonic upsurge, have yet to overcome their ignorance, and even vague hostility, for what they see as middle class labor bureaucrats. Students must open the campus to labor through publications, action programs, curricula, while labor opens its house to students through internships, requests for aid (on the picket-line, with handbills, in the public dialogue), and politics. And the organization of the campus can be a beginning -- teachers unions can be argued as both socially progressive, and educationally beneficial university employees can be organized -- and thereby an important element in the education of the student radical. But the new politics is still contained it struggles below the surface of apathy, awaiting liberation. Few anticipate the breakthrough and fewer still exhort labor to begin. Labor continues to be the most liberal -- and most frustrated -- institution in mainstream America. 4. Since the Democratic Party sweep in 1958, there have been exaggerated but real efforts to establish a liberal force in Congress, not to balance but to at least voice criticism of the conservative mood. The most notable of these efforts was the Liberal Project begun early in 1959 by Representative Kastenmeier of Wisconsin. The Project was neither disciplined nor very influential but it was concerned at least with confronting basic domestic and foreign problems, in concert with sever liberal intellectuals. In 1960 five members of the Project were defeated at the polls (for reasons other than their membership in the Project). Then followed a post mortem publication of the Liberal Papers, materials discussed by the Project when it was in existence. Republican leaders called the book further our than Communism. The New Frontier Administration repudiated any connection with the statements. Some former members of the Project even disclaimed their past roles. A hopeful beginning came to a shameful end. But during the demise of the Project, a new spirit of Democratic Party reform was occurring: in New York City, Ithaca, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Texas, California, and even in Mississippi and Alabama where Negro candidates for Congress challenged racist political power. Some were for peace, some for the liberal side of the New Frontier, some for realignment of the parties -- and in most cases they were supported by students. Here and there were stirrings of organized discontent with the political stalemate. Americans for Democratic Action and the New Republic, pillars of the liberal community, took stands against the President on nuclear testing. A split, extremely slight thus far, developed in organized labor on the same issue. The Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. preached against the Dixiecrat-Republican coalition across the nation. 5. From 1960 to 1962, the campuses experienced a revival of idealism among an active few. Triggered by the impact of the sit-ins, students began to struggle for integration, civil liberties, student rights, peace, and against the fast-rising right wing revolt as well. The liberal students, too, have felt their urgency thwarted by conventional channels: from student governments to Congressional committees. Out of this alienation from existing channels has come the creation of new ones the most characteristic forms of liberal-radical student organizations are the dozens of campus political parties, political journals, and peace marches and demonstrations. In only a few cases have students built bridges to power: an occasional election campaign, the sit-ins, Freedom Rides, and voter registration activities in some relatively large Northern demonstrations for peace and civil rights, and infrequently, through the United States National Student Association whose notable work has not been focused on political change. These contemporary social movements -- for peace, civil rights, civil liberties labor -- have in common certain values and goals. The fight for peace is one for a stable and racially integrated world for an end to the inherently volatile exploitation of most of mankind by irresponsible elites and for freedom of economic, political and cultural organization. The fight for civil rights is also one for social welfare for all Americans for free speech and the right to protest for the shield of economic independence and bargaining power for a reduction of the arms race which takes national attention and resources away from the problems of domestic injustice. Labors fight for jobs and wages is also one labor for the right to petition and strike for world industrialization for the stability of a peacetime economy instead of the insecurity of the war economy for expansion of the Welfare State. The fight for a liberal Congress is a fight for a platform from which these concerns can issue. And the fight for students, for internal democracy in the university, is a fight to gain a forum for the issues. But these scattered movements have more in common: a need for their concerns to be expressed by a political party responsible to their interests. That they have no political expression, no political channels, can be traced in large measure to the existence of a Democratic Party which tolerates the perverse unity of liberalism and racism, prevents the social change wanted by Negroes, peace protesters, labor unions, students, reform Democrats, and other liberals. Worse, the party stalemate prevents even the raising of controversy -- a full Congressional assault on racial discrimination, disengagement in Central Europe, sweeping urban reform, disarmament and inspection, public regulation of major industries these and other issues are never heard in the body that is supposed to represent the best thoughts and interests of all Americans. An imperative task for these publicly disinherited groups, then, is to demand a Democratic Party responsible to their interests. They must support Southern voter registration and Negro political candidates and demand that Democratic Party liberals do the same (in the last Congress, Dixiecrats split with Northern Democrats on 119 of 300 roll-calls, mostly on civil rights, area redevelopment and foreign aid bills and breach was much larger than in the previous several sessions). Labor should begin a major drive in the South. In the North, reform clubs (either independent or Democratic) should be formed to run against big city regimes on such issues as peace, civil rights, and urban needs. Demonstrations should be held at every Congressional or convention seating of Dixiecrats. A massive research and publicity campaign should be initiated, showing to every housewife, doctor, professor, and worker the damage done to their interests every day a racist occupies a place in the Democratic Party. Where possible, the peace movement should challenge the peace credentials of the otherwise-liberals by threatening or actually running candidates against them. The University and Social Change. There is perhaps little reason to be optimistic about the above analysis. True, the Dixiecrat-GOP coalition is the weakest point in the dominating complex of corporate, military and political power. But the civil rights and peace and student movements are too poor and socially slighted, and the labor movement too quiescent, to be counted with enthusiasm. From where else can power and vision be summoned We believe that the universities are an overlooked seat of influence. First, the university is located in a permanent position of social influence. Its educational function makes it indispensable and automatically makes it a crucial institution in the formation of social attitudes. Second, in an unbelievably complicated world, it is the central institution for organizing, evaluating, and transmitting knowledge. Third, the extent to which academic resources presently is used to buttress immoral social practice is revealed first, by the extent to which defense contracts make the universities engineers of the arms race. Too, the use of modern social science as a manipulative tool reveals itself in the human relations consultants to the modern corporation, who introduce trivial sops to give laborers feelings of participation or belonging, while actually deluding them in order to further exploit their labor. And, of course, the use of motivational research is already infamous as a manipulative aspect of American politics. But these social uses of the universities resources also demonstrate the unchangeable reliance by men of power on the men and storehouses of knowledge: this makes the university functionally tied to society in new ways, revealing new potentialities, new levers for change. Fourth, the university is the only mainstream institution that is open to participation by individuals of nearly any viewpoint. These, at least, are facts, no matter how dull the teaching, how paternalistic the rules, how irrelevant the research that goes on. Social relevance, the accessibility to knowledge, and internal openness these together make the university a potential base and agency in a movement of social change. 1. Any new left in America must be, in large measure, a left with real intellectual skills, committed to deliberativeness, honesty, reflection as working tools. The university permits the political life to be an adjunct to the academic one, and action to be informed by reason. 2. A new left must be distributed in significant social roles throughout the country. The universities are distributed in such a manner. 3. A new left must consist of younger people who matured in the postwar world, and partially be directed to the recruitment of younger people. The university is an obvious beginning point. 4. A new left must include liberals and socialists, the former for their relevance, the latter for their sense of thoroughgoing reforms in the system. The university is a more sensible place than a political party for these two traditions to begin to discuss their differences and look for political synthesis. 5. A new left must start controversy across the land, if national policies and national apathy are to be reversed. The ideal university is a community of controversy, within itself and in its effects on communities beyond. 6. A new left must transform modern complexity into issues that can be understood and felt close-up by every human being. It must give form to the feelings of helplessness and indifference, so that people may see the political, social and economic sources of their private troubles and organize to change society. In a time of supposed prosperity, moral complacency and political manipulation, a new left cannot rely on only aching stomachs to be the engine force of social reform. The case for change, for alternatives that will involve uncomfortable personal efforts, must be argued as never before. The university is a relevant place for all of these activities. But we need not indulge in allusions: the university system cannot complete a movement of ordinary people making demands for a better life. From its schools and colleges across the nation, a militant left might awaken its allies, and by beginning the process towards peace, civil rights, and labor struggles, reinsert theory and idealism where too often reign confusion and political barter. The power of students and faculty united is not only potential it has shown its actuality in the South, and in the reform movements of the North. The bridge to political power, though, will be built through genuine cooperation, locally, nationally, and internationally, between a new left of young people, and an awakening community of allies. In each community we must look within the university and act with confidence that we can be powerful, but we must look outwards to the less exotic but more lasting struggles for justice. To turn these possibilities into realities will involve national efforts at university reform by an alliance of students and faculty. They must wrest control of the educational process from the administrative bureaucracy. They must make fraternal and functional contact with allies in labor, civil rights, and other liberal forces outside the campus. They must import major public issues into the curriculum -- research and teaching on problems of war and peace is an outstanding example. They must make debate and controversy, not dull pedantic cant, the common style for educational life. They must consciously build a base for their assault upon the loci of power. As students, for a democratic society, we are committed to stimulating this kind of social movement, this kind of vision and program is campus and community across the country. If we appear to seek the unattainable, it has been said, then let it be known that we do so to avoid the unimaginable. Jack Muellerleile finds potentially high washed car volume EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash sites Is the EXPRESS Exterior Carwash concept the answer to everybodys search for a high tech, high cash flow, low investment, low employee headcount retail business that delivers a frequently needed service on almost a completely self serve basis Maybe so. At least all of Jack Muellerleiles carwash and gas station clients think so. While more than 50 of the nations 22,000 tunnel carwashes now feature this design, the concept is just starting to be noticed in the Los Angeles Basin. It has created a lot of excitement in Southern California and not a little anxiety for some like the coin-op crew who stand to get clobbered if one of these appears nearby and drains their customer base, which may occur in the not too distant future. Even the high end, full service carwash is losing customers (or some of their wash purchases) to this newest concept because it just cant compete with the 5.00 Free Vacuum price point that they worry may create a loud sucking sound as it pulls customers off the street. most of whom are coming from the industrys largest untapped market segment. persons who wash their cars on the driveway at home or have no driveway since they reside in apartment buildings or mobile home parks. With well over 60 of the patrons women (many of whom have children in the vehicle), all of the traditional retail factors apply. plus the PLeasant and Enjoyable Experience factor becomes just as important as visibility and accessibility especially during those super busy peak volume hours. See the pictures below for a look at one of these well located, well designed, well run, high cash flow operations. and check out the CASH FLOW it is producing. See pictures of one of these cash cows A well located, correctly designed and properly managed EXPRESS Exterior Carwash is believed to be capable of reaching its seasoned volume within the first year of operation. That seasoned volume in the Los Angeles Basin can be 30,000 cars monthly at 6.50 minimum per car. As such, over 2,000,000 in sales can be expected. about 40 of which funds the operating expenses while the other 60 covers the land occupancy costs, debt service (if any) and the owners bottom line. Cash-on-cash returns may be expected to run 50 to 300 or even higher. That may replace the owners cash seed money in 2 years or less once the seasoned washed cars volume is reached. The location pictured above is performing at this level. The El Segundo 5-minute Express Carwash is located at 125 N. Sepulveda Blvd. El Segundo, CA 90245 just north of El Segundo Blvd. It sits on a 51,400 SF triangular lot having 338rsquo of frontage on Sepulveda Blvd, 277rsquo of depth along its northern property line and 439rsquo along the diagonal lot line comprising its southwesterly border. The traffic count per CALTRANS is 60,000 ADT ao the year 2005. It was featured as the cover story of Auto Laundry News in August 2006. To read much more about this concept, go to carwashmag . enter August 2006 in the archives search by date address bar, then scroll down to the feature article entitled Express Exterior Challenges CAs Hand-Wash Mindset and click on that link to this article. Or, just click here on Ease of Operation for excerpts from this article (and a link to the entire thing). To learn more about the firm that developed it, click here on About NS Wash Systems . Jack Muellerleile is a consultant and real estate broker with 40 years experience in the retail petroleum and carwash industries. Along with casework handled for various petroleum amp non-petroleum consulting clients, he currently spends most of his time finding, pre-qualifying and helping his clients acquire sites for the EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash model since SUPERSTATIONS are more expensive and do not offer such high cash-on-cash returns. At this writing, over 30 such clients with carwash experience and strong financials have signed Buyer Agreements guaranteeing him a generous brokerage fee for each of the prized but difficult to locate sites they acquire. Other clients who are new to this industry (or have the CW experience but see special advantages in having the consulting client relationship) are served by Jack as a well paid consultant. Jack usually has a number such sites in play at any one time. Examples are listed at Jacks Published amp Available High Volume ECW Sites ao 10.26.12 and the 10.26 . 12 One Page Summary with the annual washed car volume potential of each of them . To see all the details and be able to personally inspect them, Carwash experienced folks with strong financials need to download, print, fill out, sign and date his 1 page E XPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash Sites Confidentiality amp 6 Buyers Agreement . then email or fax it to him. Upon its receipt, Jack will contact you. New to the industry folks (or CW experienced ones who prefer the consulting client relationship) need to download, print, fill out, sign amp date his Consulting Services Contract . This is needed to get Jack signed up as a paid consultant to help them quickly climb the learning curve, get properly connected with the folks that count and confirm or deny their interest in developing one of these facilities. Then, if its a green light, find their own sites or pick one from among those Jack has already pre-qualified and proceed to develop one of these cash cows for themselves. How good are the new-to-industry ECW sites Jack finds See the chart below for a sampling of the kind of new-to-industry ECW sites Jack is finding for his clients. While the national credit crisis exists and the economy is still in recession. extremely attractive, high volume ECW sites are within the grasp of every client, not just the big national credit tenants like Walgreens, CVS, National Banks and Nationally Branded Quick Service Restaurants. Now is the very best time to grab one or more of these sites since they wont remain available after the economy recovers and the EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash concept thrives during recessionary times. See above ROC Analysis Exhibits 1 2 10 which, when combined, add up to these numbers. HOW IS JACK PAID . Many web site visitors call Jack asking about this. To explain the various situations he put together an exhibit answering the question and providing examples of compensation as a consultant, as a real estate broker in California, for fee acquisitions and for lease transactions. To look this over, go to HOW IS JACK PAID ECW Site of the Month To qualify for ECW Site of the Month recognition, the property must meet or exceed these criteria: 1. Zero EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash (ECW) competition within a 3-mile radius trade area 2. High washed car volume potential (traffic count of 40,000 ADT or higher) 3. Low to moderate initial cash insertion required 4. High net cash flow potential This ECW Site of the Month location features the following: Located in the suburban part of Los Angeles County with good demographics 20,850 SF signalized corner parcel w legal U turn for off side traffic to access the premises, plus a 20 alley alongside to permit greater ingress amp egress away from the heavy traffic stopped at or departing the intersection 87,000 ADT Traffic Count 120,000 NNN ground lease rent 18,000 rent income from mo-to-mo tenant while you get your C. U.P. amp building permits approved 232,000 initial cash insertion if qualify for just 15 down with a 1,314,000 6 20 year loan to build your improvements (NOTE: Commercial banks are again doing loans of this type) Excellent spot for the Twin 70 Tunnel ECW design solution which was created for just this type of site and is capable of washing up to 1500 cars per day 877 - 1096 - 1316 daily washed car volume potential with 1.0 - 1.25 - 1.5 capture rates 1,881,000 - 2,350,000 - 2,822,000 Gross Revenues potential with a 6.60 average ticket and 1.0 - 1.25 - 1.5 capture rates 968,000 - 1,273,000 - 1,580,000 Net Cash Flow potential with 1.0 - 1.25 - 1.5 capture rates and a 35 expense load (when using Twin 70 Tunnels) ZERO Express Exterior Tunnel Carwash competition seen in trade area up to 3 miles in all 4 directions Disclaimer: All of the above are for budgeting purposes only. Echo Sources Inc, Vincent James Ltd amp J. R. Jack Muellerleile make no representations or warranties regarding actual or potential car volume, sales volume, revenue, profits, or project costs that may be expected or earned from the operation of a carwash. Many factors impact upon the development, operation, and profitability of a car wash operation which cannot be predicted or built into financial projections of future results. To learn the exact address of this or any other pre-qualified ECW site procured by Jack you must first become his client. Jack may be contacted at: See what savvy carwash industry professionals have to say about this concept. It was explained in the Sept. 2006 edition of Modern Car Care addressing the question Phenomenon or Fad and it was the cover story for the March 2007 edition of Professional Car Care Magazine. Just click here on The EXPRESS Exterior Phenomenon . Car Wash defined: A GoogleAnswersWikipedia search result for car wash offers good general descriptions with lots and lots of linked details. but does not provide the above type of coverage for this EXPRESS Exterior Carwash concept. EXPRESS Exterior Carwash project INVESTMENT CAPITAL: Some developers gather the needed capital by offering investors the opportunity to share in the ownership of the new project. After locating and securing control of the site, they prepare descriptive exhibits and market the opportunity to likely investor candidates. An example of this may be viewed here by clicking now on Ride The Wave . 08.16.07 Professional Car Care eNews - Boomerang Car Wash opens 6th EXPRESS Tunnel Carwash in Oklahoma City, its 21st overall. For story, go to carwashnews. aspNID67439 . For a look at all Boomerangs locations, go to boomerangcarwash . WASH TRENDS Magazine, Winter 2008 edition - Herein may be found excellent historical accountings of the commercial car wash industry which eventually settled upon the EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash as the most popular among all conveyor-type models. In fact, a couple of states in the U. S. are said to have already been overbuilt with these cash cows. but Southern California (with its much higher traffic counts) is just now beginning to see some of these high volume money makers start to pop up. For a quick education on this industry, click on the links below. gt The EXPRESS Exterior Concept. Is It For You gt EXPRESS Exterior Wash Tunnels 03.28.08 Los Angeles Times - Unions join to organize carwash workers. Leaders target 18,000 workers in Southern California. To read this article, click here on United Steelworkers Union (AFL-CIO) take aim at FULL SERVICE Tunnel Carwash workers . This is another reason savvy old timers are seeking sites for the almost 100 computer controlled EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash concept which requires only 2 employees per shift. 04.02.08 United Steelworkers Union web site - See postings on the subject of unionizing Southern California carwash workers including the unions EXECUTIVE SUMMARY of the situation from its point of view. Click on Unionization of Carwash Workers 04.04.08 Western Carwash Association (WCA) - The WCA news release intending to offer the public a Fair amp Balanced picture of the working conditions in the professional carwashing industry may be looked over by clicking here on Punish the rogue carwashers, not the rest . 06.18.08 Los Angeles Times Business Section - UCLA still foresees no recession. but there will be little or no growth in GDP this year or next, Anderson experts say - See this article and Jacks comments at Perfect Economic Times for explosion of the EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash concept . 06.25.08 Los Angeles Times Business Section - Chapman (University) sees U. S. in recession - See article and Jacks comments at More Reasons Why EXPRESS CW concept is so popular among CW investors . 10.01.08 PCampD Online - TECH TIPS - Setting Up An EXPRESS Detailing Operation To see the notes taken by Jack Muellerleile during a Carwash Investing Seminar conducted by industry expert Fred Grauer, click on the following links: 10.14.08 Professional Carwashing amp Detailing - Living wage complaint filed by L. A. Carwash workers . This article highlights another reason full service carwash developers owners operators are flocking to the EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash concept. 10.17.08 U. S. National Credit Crisis Not for Carwash SBA loans. Carwash deals are BOOMING while hotel and other suffering segments are flatlined. See the testimony of a nationwide carwash amp gas station SBA loan specialist by clicking here on Carwash SBA loan biz booming DECEMBER 2008 - PC amp D - Managing an Express Chain 12.01.08 L. A. Times - Click here for SCAL Carwash workers unionization update 12.08.08 Unionization Efforts in L. A. Still Going Strong - EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash developers believe ECW concept not vulnerable Click here for Details amp Access to Union Web Site . 12.23.08 Los Angeles Business Journal - State Regulators Crack Down On employers . 02.16.09 Nationally recognized gas price analyst The Gas Guy predicts the end of the California Mom amp Pop gas station is coming soon. Jack Muellerleile sees many of them converted to an EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash (ECW) and cash flowing far better than before. To check out this scenario, click on the links below: 1. Say Goodbye to the California Mom amp Pop neighborhood gas station 2. EXPRESS Exterior TWIN-TUNNEL carwash replaces gas station 3. Cash-on-cash return if built on fee property 4. Cash-on-cash return if built on leased property More choices - On 03.30.09, an 80 ft TUNNEL SMALL CORNER OPTION was added to the above TWIN-TUNNEL design solution . To see this design and its Cash-on-Cash Analyses, just click on the links below: 1. EXPRESS Exterior 80 ft TUNNEL OPTION for small 150 x 150 former gas station corner lots 2. Cash-on-cash return if 80 ft TUNNEL OPTION is used on fee property 3. Cash-on-cash return if 80 ft TUNNEL OPTION is used on leased land UPDATE - 03.29.09 Pump Pain: Owners hit by pricey upgrade . UPDATE - 1000 California Gas Stations Face April 1, 2009 Permanent Closure . claims the Gas Guys 03.31.09 Open Letter to California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger. Why They are small independents who can not afford the 11,000 per nozzle cost of compliance with the CARB mandate requiring EVR Phase II nozzles and vapor scrubbers to capture another 3 of vapor emissions (increasing capture from 95 to 98) by that date. Temporary solution Extend compliance date one year to April 1, 2010. UPDATE - 04.12.09 No Happy Days for California Gas Station Owners . The Gas Guy says that according to CARB, its mandate has caused owners of 5 of the states 11,500 gas stations to already close down the facility and, by the 12.31.09 absolute drop dead date, about 1,000 are expected to hang up their nozzles and lock their pumps for good. For more details, click on the No Happy Days link above. 03.01.09 PCamp D Magazine - Fred Grauer says Become More Efficient 03.01.09 PC amp D Magazine - R. L. Bud Abraham, Detailing Editor, explains How to Find and Court an Investor. dont think too small 2009 Winter edition RCA report - Chief Economist Robert Bach at Grubb amp Ellis sees strong investment potential in Top 10 U. S. Markets despite the widespread economic downturn. and Los Angeles leads the list in 3 out of 4 categories. In RETAIL, Los Angeles is 1, Orange County is 6 and San Diego is 9. See all the details at Market Strength Forecast 2009-2013 . 03.26.09 ALL CLIENTS ALERT - SBA Loans are becoming MUCH MORE ATTRACTIVE again . 07.01.09 PC amp D Magazine - BE WATER SMART . Reclaim, recycle, manage amp treat the water at your carwash. To read the full article, go to carwasharticle. aspIndexID6637227 . Comments by Jack Muellerleile . Government water conservation regulations targeting the carwash industry and all consumers where they live, work and play may have a silver lining since they push the largest segment of the carwash industry off their driveways at home and into the commercial carwash establishments. These new customers will likely head for the in-bay automatics (which are mostly at gas stations), the coin-ops and the EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash (ECW) units which use the aggressive 5.00 Free Vacuum offer to maximize the volume of washed cars. In fact, when enough ECWs are present in the marketplace to neutralize the convenience factor its expected they will be the dominant beneficiary of this new river of customers since ECWs are able to offer customers the best overall bundle of benefits vs. the In-bay Automatics amp Coin-ops, including: 1. Lowest price for the wash amp vacuum 2. Best quality wash 3. Driest car 4. Least amount of physical exertion by the customer and 5. Shortest amount of time on site (wash only can be done in 3 minutes). CONCLUSION . This is yet another reason for savvy carwash investors to concentrate their efforts on developing qualified sites for the EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash concept and designing the improvements to handle a lot more volume than can be predicted based only upon factors present at the time of the site acquisition. 07.30.09 Federal Way MIrror Reporter - Car wash pollution and the numbers to prove it - Article s upplies more evidence that Government Regulations may soon be pushing folks off their driveways at home and into commercial car wash facilities. Go to Home Driveway Carwashing is detrimental to local waterways . 08.11.09 Wall Street Journal -. U. S. economists say recession is over . 08.14.09 Waived SBA Loan Fees of 53,000 - 83,000 or more my expire by 12.31.09. For details go to Get Your SBA Loan Now . 10.27.09 Los Angeles Times - SBA loans are on the rebound. The number made in the region from April through September rises 50 from first half of U. S. fiscal year. To see the full article, go to Obama seeks to boost SBA loans . 11.02.09 SBA Loans Status Update by CW Specialty SBA Loan Broker Mike Ford - Click here on Good News amp Action Needed . 02.02.10 PCampD - EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash - The Need For Speed . 03.25.10 Estimated Carwash Development Timeframe Comments by Jack Muellerleile - Many visitors to this web site call Jack with lots of questions. One question which is always included is OK, I want to develop one of these EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwashes, but how long will it take once I have the site under my control Since the answer to this question comprehends several elements each of which can vary a bit in how long it may take, Jack put together an exhibit setting forth the estimated timeframe involved for one project in Orange County, CA For a look at it, click now on Estimated Carwash Development Timeframe . 05.05.10 SONNYS - The Carwash Factory releases 5 new case study videos (26 case studies in all are available). See the 5 new ones here . 06.08.10 PCampD News - State governments continue urging citizens to use commercial carwash facilities and stop washing their cars on the driveway at home. For details, go to City hosts meetings on dangers of at-home washing . New Types of Investors are now interested in Petro amp Carwash Industry deals Many investors who were heavily involved in residential real estate are now contacting Jack Muellerleile asking about the cash on cash returns one may expect in the RETAIL PETROLEUM and CARWASH industries. They are considering the following strategies: 1. Buy a modern, well managed gas station (with land) comprised of fuel sales and a C-Store on a 12 acre lot and run it as is. Assuming full market price is paid, the Cash on Cash return will likely be at least that described on this exhibit (some ROCs run as high as 40): 9.9 ROC 2 Profit Center Modern Gas Station . 2. Buy an existing gas station capable of improving its performance by upgrading adding profit centers, then hold it for its seasoned income stream or sell it for a profit. See Cash on Cash Return some are realizing with this strategy by clicking on: 51.4 ROC Value Added Existing Gas Station . 3. Buy land, build a high volume, multiple profit center gas station, ramp up the volume to a seasoned level then sell it for a profitable price. See example of this by clicking on: 43.9 ROC NTI High Volume 3 Profit Center Gas Station . 4. Buy land, build a Self-Serve Carwash amp operate it as an income stream. See the numbers on this strategy at: 35.6 ROC NTI Self-Serve Carwash . 5. Buy land, build an In-Bay Rollover Automatic Carwash amp operate it as an income stream. This strategy is available for review at: 37.4 ROC NTI In-Bay Rollover Automatic Carwash . 6. Buy land, build an In-Bay Rollover 5 1 Self-Serve Carwash and operate it as an income stream. The numbers for this strategy may be viewed at: 98.9 ROC NTI In-Bay Rollover Self-Serve 5 1 Carwash . 7. Buy or lease land, build a FULL SERVICE Conveyorized Tunnel Carwash, ramp-up the volume then sell it for a profit. The facts amp figures for this strategy may be reviewed at: 30.5 ROC NTI FULL SERVICE Conveyorized Tunnel Carwash . 8. Buy land, build an EXPRESS Exterior Conveyorized Tunnel Carwash, ramp-up the volume amp retain it as an income stream. The Cash on Cash Return for this strategy has industry veterans hungry for correctly positioned land parcels meeting the site criteria for this most popular concept that now outnumbers the Full Service Tunnel Carwash nationwide. To see the expected returns for this strategy, click here on: 141.0 ROC NTI EXPRESS Exterior Conveyorized Tunnel Carwash . 9. The NEW WAVE in Carwash Configurations For a look at the strategy involving DUAL 60 tunnels on a small 20,000 SF corner lot, click here on: 35.0 ROC NTI DUAL 60 Tunnels . 10. If you want the links to all of the above published ROC Gas Station and Carwash scenarios on a single page exhibit, please click here on: Links to all 9 ROC Scenarios on a single page . 06.15.10 - From Jack Muellerleile - TOMMYS Twin-Tunnel amp Inline Wash System Designs. a Car Care World Expo 2010 discovery of mine last month in Las Vegas Clients have asked about glass buildings pre-fabricated at lower cost and installed much more quickly than conventionally constructed buildings also Twin-Tunnel designs for small and large sites. Well, TOMMYS offers all of that and much more. To share in the excitement, open the following links: 1. - Tommys 70 ft. Twin-Tunnels Wash System 2. - Tommys Dual Mini 70 PDF 3. - 150 Tommy Tunnel 4. - 3-D Clear Tommy Building video link (AVI) 09.07.10 - Unionization of Full Service Carwash Workers in Los Angeles - This ongoing effort continues to drive owners of these high headcount carwash businesses toward the low headcount, higher cash flow, lower cost EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash model. See the New York Times 09.07.10 article linked below for an update on the unionization effort. Go to New York Times probes push to unionize carwash workers . 09.27.10 - Unionization - Per Herschel Kilgore, The unionization effort is moving forward. Here is the first sample of the proposed union agreement for the L. A. area car washes. To those of you who thought this couldnt happen, think again. I believe it is going to be a monumental fight to prevent unionization from occurring. Herschel. 09.28.10 - Debt Capital - Per Specialty SBA Loan Broker Mike Ford, President Obama signed a new 42 Billion lending bill into law containing incentives for Small Business Lending. Click here for details . 10.03.10 - Debt Capital - L. A. Times on SBA Loans - The new head of the Small Business Administration for much of the Western United States speaks out. For what she has said, go to Regional head of SBA sees firms access to capital as crucial . 10.05.10 - Debt Capital - L. A. Times on SBA Loans. again - Go to Federal loan money heading to small businesses . 10.07.10 - At-home carwashing - PCampD News - Column makes the case against at-home carwashing . 10.14.10 - Unionization - New York Times - Its stuff like this that encourages the unionization of carwash workers and makes the Full Service Carwash owners chief among Jack Muellerleiles clients who want high volume EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash sites for the new-to-industry ECW projects which are easily run by 1-2 employees. See N. Y. Times 10.14.10 story Car Wash to Pay Workers 1.7 Million in Owed Wages . 01.31.11 - Debt Capital Availability - Coast Commercial Credit - Click here for a CARWASH FINANCING UPDATE . 03.04.11 - SBA Loan Processing Timeframe - There are lots of so-called horror stories out there which make it sound like securing your projects debt capital via an SBA Loan is nearly impossible. For experienced folks who are in the know those stories are all a bunch of bull. Successful clients who use the SBA Loan process to fund their debt capital requirements do something those circulating the horror stories did not do. they hire an experienced, up-to-the-minute savvy SBA Loan Broker or Consultant who works the business full time to represent them and guide them through the process. Coast Commercial Credit, LLC is such a firm. It was asked to provide an Estimated SBA Loan Processing Timeframe chart I could share with my newer clients and all my client candidates. And it did. So click on the above link to get yourself an education and see why the super-savvy, experienced clients would not dare try to obtain this type of debt capital funding without such a firm representing his interests. clearing away all the hidden obstacles before they screwed up the process, navigating your completed loan application through underwriting, assembling required third party reports, obtaining conditional approval, loan closing and rolling the construction loan into the permanent loan. 05.17.11 - Car Wash Lending Update - Activity is way up. For details, click on LATEST CARWASH FINANCING UPDATE . 06.17.11 - U. S. Economy Future Watch. Experts who actually study U. S. economics plus past and present U. S. economic trends tell us another rough patch is ahead. These folks are not the typical talking heads or stock brokers who have private agendas. Should you keep sitting on the fence or add another new-to-industry (or FSCW Conversion) EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash right now - Seeing some solid Future Watch assumptions lead to the conclusion that Yes, you should add another unit. and right now . For the details, go to AFTERSHOCK Investment Strategy . 06.27.11 - Car Wash Financing Update - Things are really hopping For examples of completed financings. go to CARWASH FINANCING UPDATE ao 06.27.11 . 08.16.11 - Car Wash Lending Update. Good News for Car Wash Investors amp Operators - Announcement on Interest rates. See details here . 10.17.11 - Car Wash Lending Update. See. get tax breaks with debt capital fundings . 10.28.11 - UNIONIZATION of Full Service Car Wash Workers is now a reality. See details at the links below: 10.26.11 - Carwash Workers Celebrate Union Contract 10.28.11 - L. A. Car Wash Workers Sign Industrys First Union Contract 11.30.11 - Car Wash Lending Update. More good news. and a deadline is approaching. See the details here . 12.20.11 - 10,000 free car washes PC amp D News - Colorados largest tunnel to give away 10,000 washes during its one (1) week Grand Opening starting Dec. 27th. For all the details, see the full PCampD News story and the firms Press Release at 10,000 free washes . 01.10.12 - Car Wash Lending Update. Last year set a record for SBA Loan volume. See 01.10.12 Update here. 04.24.12 - SONNYS The Car Wash Factory publishes Car Wash Owners Share Their Success Stories including three (3) examples of EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel CW models. Click on the above link to view a full screen video on Liberty Car Wash and details on the other two listed below. Liberty Car Wash - 15,000 Cars per month in 53-Feet 5-Bucks Car Wash - Reinventing a Foreclosed Full-Serve to Express Exterior LuLus Express Car Wash - Increasing your average ticket by 4.00 07.13.12 - H2GO express car wash goes after small size corner sites in the Los Angeles Metro Marketplace See their story here . 08.07.12 - Jacks Pre-qualified, potentially high washed car volume, EXPRESS Exterior Tunnel Carwash new-to-industry sites are going fast. See eleven (11) of them at this link and note the uses being placed on these properties. PHOTO EXHIBITS you may download and show to others are available below for your convenience: 1. MODERN Design EXPRESS Exterior Carwash on medium-sized corner lot (30,000 SF) at signalized intersection. 2. MODERN Design EXPRESS Exterior Carwash on large corner lot (44,000 SF) at signalized intersection. 3. FUTURISTIC Design EXPRESS Exterior Carwash on small corner lot (25,000 SF) at signalized intersection. 4. SPANISH Design EXPRESS Exterior Carwash on large lot (51,400 SF) upstream from signalized intersection. 5. TWIN TUNNEL Design EXPRESS Exterior Carwash on very large lot (est. 86,000 SF) at signalized intersection.
No comments:
Post a Comment